Chapter 1
A Concise Commentary on the “Dayuan liezhuan” (Monograph on Dayuan) of Shiji (ch. 123) ^[1]

The first knowledge of Dayuan 大宛 ^[2] dates from Zhang Qian 張騫. Zhang Qian 張騫 was a native of Hanzhong 漢中 [Prefecture]. ^[3] During the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period, he served as a gentleman. At that time the Son of Heaven made inquiries concerning deserters from the Xiongnu 匈奴, ^[4] and they all reported that the Xiongnu 匈奴 had defeated the king of the Yuezhi 月氏 ^[5] and made a drinking vessel of his skull. ^[6] The Yuezhi 月氏 had fled, but, furious as they were with the Xiongnu 匈奴, ^[7] there was no party with whom they could attack them jointly. As it happened, the Han 漢 wished to start operations to eliminate the Hu 胡; ^[8] and, hearing of this report, they wished to make contact [with the Yuezhi 月氏] by means of envoys. ^[9] Their route would perforce have to pass through the lands of the Xiongnu 匈奴. ^[10] A call was then issued for persons able to undertake the mission. In his capacity as a gentleman, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 answered the call and was sent to the Yuezhi 月氏. Setting out from Longxi 隴西 [Prefecture] ^[11] in company with Ganfu 甘父, formerly a Hu 胡 slave of the Tangyi 堂邑 family, ^[12] he took the short route through the Xiongnu 匈奴, who captured him and had him sent to the Chanyu 單于. ^[13] The Chanyu 單于 said: “The Yuezhi 月氏 lie to the north of us; ^[14] how may Han 漢 send its envoys there? If I wished to send envoys to Yue 越, ^[15] would Han 漢 be willing to let me [do so]”? For over ten years he detained [Zhang] Qian [張]騫, ^[16] giving him a wife by whom he had children. However, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 [constantly] retained the Han 漢 emblems of authority without loss.

[1] This chapter is generally regarded as the first monograph treating the Western Regions, launching a tradition in official Chinese historiography. This is true; however, judging from the content of this monograph, it is more appropriate to regard it as the combined biographies of Zhang Qian 張騫 and Li Guangli 李 利. The life and works of both Zhang Qian 張騫 and Li Guangli 李 利 were related to Dayuan 大宛, so they share one biographical chapter.

According to Shiji suoyin 史記索隱 (ch. 123), The “Dayuan liezhuan 大宛列傳” (Monograph on Dayuan 大宛) should be placed after “Chaoxian liezhuan 朝鮮列傳” (Monograph on Chaoxian 朝鮮), rather than inserted between “Kuli liezhuan 酷吏列傳” (Biographies of Harsh Officials) and “Youxia liezhuan 遊俠列傳” (Biographies of Wandering Knights). The present arrangement probably came about because of the hiatus in Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 work and the errors of Chu Shaosun’s 褚少孫 supplement. Fortunately, this is not a grave mistake. As a matter of fact, many chapters after the 118th are combined biographies of historical figures with similar accomplishments; therefore, it should not be regarded as improper for this monograph to be inserted between “Kuli liezhuan 酷吏列傳” (ch. 122) and “Youxia liezhuan 遊俠列傳” (ch. 124). However, the subjects of “Nanyue liezhuan 南越列傳” (ch. 113), “Dongyue liezhuan 東越列傳” (ch. 114), “Chaoxian liezhuan 朝鮮列傳” (ch. 115), and “Xi’nanyi liezhuan 西南夷列傳” (ch. 116) are all areas that were under the management of Han 漢, not combined biographies of the historical figures as in monographs.

The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) is also based on this chapter; I will therefore deal with the textual variations whenever relevant. This monograph also forms the basis of several paragraphs of the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96); textual comparisons can be found in my commentary on the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96).

[2] “Dayuan 大宛” was the name of a state in the present-day Ferghāna Basin.

[3] “Hanzhong 漢中” was the name of a prefecture. Its seat of government was located east of the present Hanzhong 漢中, Shaanxi 陝西 Province. Shiji suoyin 史記索隱 (ch. 123) quotes Yibu qijiuzhuan 益部耆舊傳 by Chen Shou 陳壽: “Zhang Qian 張騫 is a native of Chenggu 成固 of Hanzhong 漢中 (present Chenggu 成固, Shaanxi 陝西 Province)”.

[4] The “Xiongnu 匈奴” were a nomadic tribe north of the Gobi Desert. During the reign of the First Emperor of Qin 秦, according to “Xiongnu liezhuan 匈奴列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110), “at this time, the Eastern Hu 胡 were very powerful and the Yuezhi 月氏 were likewise flourishing. The Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 was Touman 頭曼. Touman 頭曼, unable to hold out against the Qin 秦 forces, had withdrawn to the far north. ... Touman’s 頭曼 oldest son, the heir, was named Modu 冒頓. But the Chanyu 單于 also had a younger son by another Yanzhi 閼氏 (consort) whom he had taken later and of whom he was very fond. He wanted to get rid of Modu 冒頓 and set up his younger son as heir instead, and he therefore sent Modu 冒頓 as a hostage to the Yuezhi 月氏. When Modu 冒頓 arrived among the Yuezhi 月氏, Touman 頭曼 made a sudden attack on them. The Yuezhi 月氏 were about to kill Modu 冒頓, but he managed to steal one of their best horses and escape, eventually making his way back home. His father, struck by his bravery, put him in command of a force of 10,000 cavalry”.

When Modu 冒頓 became the Chanyu 單于, the Xiongnu 匈奴“inflicted a crushing defeat to the Eastern Hu 胡, killing their king, taking prisoner his subjects, and seizing their domestic animals. Then he returned, attacked the Yuezhi 月氏 and drove them away in the west, and annexed the lands of the ruler of Loufan 樓煩 and the king of Baiyang 白羊 to the south of the [Yellow] River in the south”, with the result that the Xiongnu’s 匈奴“kings and leaders of the right live in the west, the area from Shang 上 Prefecture west to the territories of the Yuezhi 月氏, Di 氐, and Qiang 羌 tribes. The Chanyu 單于 has his court in the region north of Dai 代
and Yunzhong 雲中 [prefectures]”. This is to say, it was during the reign of Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓 [209-174 BCE ] that the Xiongnu 匈奴 began to thrive, defeating the Yuezhi 月氏 in the west and the Eastern Hu 胡 in the east and making frequent encroachments on the south, to become the most serious menace to the border of the Western Han 漢.

[5] The “Yuezhi 月氏” were a nomadic tribe. Before their defeat by the Xiongnu 匈奴, they were extremely strong; their territories stretched from north of the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains in the east and east of the present-day Tianshan 天山 [Mountains] and the Altai Mountains in the west. Their influence even extended to the Hetao 河套 area (the bend of the Yellow river).

[6] The drinking vessel here refers to a wine vessel or container. Yan Shigu’s 顏師古 commentary (hereafter Yan’s 顏 commentary) on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) states: “From what is recorded in ‘Xiongnu zhuan 匈奴傳’, ‘[the Xiongnu 匈奴] drank blood from a vessel made of the skull of the king of the Yuezhi 月氏, whom they had defeated, and made an oath’, which shows that it is a wine vessel”. As is recorded in the History (IV, 65) of Herodotus, the Scythians also had this custom: “Such are the customs among them . But for the heads themselves —
though not of all, but of a man’s deadliest enemies — each man saws off all the part beneath the eyebrows and cleans the rest. Then, if the man who does this is poor, he simply stretches a strip of raw oxhide over the outside and so uses it. But if he is rich, he gilds it on the inside and uses it in this form for a drinking cup”. The Xiongnu 匈奴 treated the king of the Yuezhi 月氏 in such a way; this custom could also have influenced the Yuezhi 月氏.

[7] “The Yuezhi 月氏 had fled, but, furious as they were with the Xiongnu 匈奴”: Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓 began to deal with the Yuezhi 月氏 after he had defeated the Eastern Hu 胡 and eased the threat from the east. He launched two large-scale attacks on the Yuezhi 月氏. The first was carried out at the end of the third century BCE , thwarting the Yuezhi’s 月氏 momentum toward the east. The second occurred in 177 to 176 BCE ; as a result, the Yuezhi 月氏 abandoned the former land they had possessed, and most of them migrated westward to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. The Yuezhi 月氏 who had migrated to the west are referred to as the Da Yuezhi 大月氏.

The statement that “the Xiongnu 匈奴 had defeated the king of the Yuezhi 月氏”: Considering the following record: “ Chanyu 單于 Laoshang 老上 [174-161 BCE ] of the Xiongnu 匈奴 killed the king of the Yuezhi 月氏 and made a drinking vessel of his skull”, we can know that the Chanyu 單于 who “defeated the king of the Yuezhi 月氏” was Chanyu 單于 Laoshang 老上. That is, the Yuezhi 月氏 who had migrated westward to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu had suffered another defeat at the hands of the Xiongnu 匈奴, with their king killed. However, this defeat by Chanyu 單于 Laoshang 老上 did not force the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 to abandon the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. The statement that “the Yuezhi 月氏 had fled” means only that they were defeated in battle.

[8] The “Hu 胡” here refers to the Xiongnu 匈奴. The statement, “The Yuezhi 月氏 had fled, but, furious as they were with the Xiongnu 匈奴, there was no party with whom they could attack them jointly”, etc., can serve as collateral evidence. “Hu 胡” here is an abbreviated term for the Xiongnu 匈奴.

[9] Zhang Qian’s 張騫 first mission to the west as an envoy was to contact the Yuezhi 月氏 in order to attack the Xiongnu 匈奴 jointly. One can conclude that at the time when Zhang Qian 張騫 commenced his journey, the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, who bore a constant grudge against the Xiongnu 匈奴, were still active in the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu.

[10] “Their route would perforce have to pass through the lands of the Xiongnu 匈奴”: During the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period [140-135 BCE ] of Emperor Wu 武, the Yuezhi 月氏 were in the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. The Xiongnu 匈奴, after they had driven the Yuezhi 月氏 out of the lands they formerly possessed, not only controlled large areas of land north of the Qilian 祁連 Mountains and east of the Tianshan 天山 and Altai Mountains, but also the southern foothills of the Altai, including Dzungaria and the oasis states of the Tarim Basin, which used to be probably controlled by the Yuezhi 月氏. This is why Zhang Qian 張騫, when he set out from Longxi 隴西 for the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, had to pass through areas under the control of the Xiongnu 匈奴, and was finally detained by them.

[11] “Longxi 隴西” was the name of a prefecture. Its seat of government was located south of present-day Lintao 臨洮, Gansu 甘肅 Province.

[12] “Ganfu 甘父, formerly a Hu 胡 slave of the Tangyi 堂邑 family”: According to Shiji suoyin 史记索隐 (ch. 123), this “refers to a Hu 胡 slave named Ganfu 甘父 who belonged to someone in Tangyi 堂邑 County. The subsequent Tangyi Fu 堂邑父 is probably the abbreviation made by later historians, who omitted ‘Gan 甘’. ‘Gan 甘’ was probably his family name”. In my opinion, Ganfu 甘父, formerly a slave of the Tangyi 堂邑 clan, was originally a Xiongnu 匈奴. Zhang Qian 張騫 had to pass through the areas under the control of the Xiongnu 匈奴, and for this reason had a Xiongnu 匈奴 accompany him. “Tangyi 堂邑 family” here refers to Marquis Tangyi 堂邑. See the “Gaozu gongchen houzhe nianbiao 高祖功臣侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 18).

[13] “ Chanyu 單于” was the supreme chief of the Xiongnu 匈奴. Here it refers specifically to Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣 [161-126 BCE ].

[14] “The Yuezhi 月氏 lie to the north of us”: This supports the fact that as late as when Zhang Qian 張騫 was detained, the Yuezhi 月氏 were still active in the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu.

[15] “Yue 越” here refers to the Southern Yue 越, the name of a tribe in the south of present-day Hunan 湖南, in Guangdong 東 and Guangxi 西, and in the north of Vietnam.

[16] “Over ten years”: From the second year [139 BCE ] of the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period to the sixth year [129 BCE ] of the Yuanguang 元光 reign-period. Zhang Qian 張騫 set out in the second year of the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period.

Living among the Xiongnu 匈奴 people, ^[17] he found an opportunity to escape with his followers in the direction of the Yuezhi 月氏 and, after speeding west for days numbered by the tens he reached Dayuan 大宛. ^[18] Dayuan 大宛 had heard of Han’s 漢 abundant wealth and had wished to establish contact, but had not been able to do so. [The king of Dayuan 大宛] was delighted when he received [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 and asked him: “Where do you wish to go”? [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 said: “I was going on a mission to the Yuezhi 月氏 for Han 漢 and my way was blocked by the Xiongnu 匈奴. Now that I have escaped, it rests with you to send someone to guide me on my way. If I do actually succeed in reaching my destination and returning to Han 漢, the wealth and goods which Han 漢 will present to you will beggar description”. Dayuan 大宛 believed this, and sent off [Zhang] Qian [張]騫, providing him with interpreters and guides. ^[19] He reached Kangju 康居, ^[20] and the Kangju 康居 people passed him on to the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. ^[21] The king of Da Yuezhi 大月氏 had been killed by the Hu 胡, and the crown prince ^[22] had been established as king. Having subjugated Daxia 大夏, ^[23] they lived in that country. The land was fertile, with few brigands, and [the Da Yuezhi 大月氏] had set their minds on [a life of] peace and contentment. In addition, they considered Han 漢 too far away, and had no intention at all of taking revenge on the Hu 胡. ^[24] From the Yuezhi 月氏, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 reached Daxia 大夏, ^[25] but in the end he was unable to rouse the interest ^[26] of the Yuezhi 月氏.

[17] “Living among the Xiongnu 匈奴 people”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads instead, “living in the west of the Xiongnu 匈奴 territories”. Since Zhang Qian 張騫 was captured after setting out from Longxi 隴西 and was sent to the Chanyu 單于, i.e., escorted to the court of the Chanyu 單于 north of the Gobi Desert, it was probably from north of the Desert that Zhang Qian 張騫 sped west for Dayuan 大宛. If understood in light of the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), it seems that Zhang Qian 張騫 reached Dayuan 大宛 via the southern foothills of the Altai Mountains. That is to say, although Zhang Qian 張騫 was escorted to the court of the Chanyu 單于 north of the Gobi Desert, he had been detained in the west of the Xiongnu 匈奴 territories before he sped further west to Dayuan 大宛.

[18] The most likely route for Zhang Qian 張騫 to reach Dayuan 大宛 was by way of the northern shore of the Balkhash Nor, southward down the Chu River, then through the Kirghiz Mountains, and finally down the Naryn River to reach the Ferghāna Basin. When Zhang Qian 張騫 escaped, he reached the area of the Yuezhi 月氏 by way of Dayuan 大宛, evidence that he knew that the Yuezhi 月氏 had already abandoned the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. Zhang Qian 張騫 reached Dayuan 大宛 in the sixth year [129 BCE ] in the Yuanguang 元光 reign-period of Emperor Wu 武.

[19] The king of Dayuan 大宛 was delighted to see Zhang Qian 張騫; he was obviously eager to establish contact and trade with Han 漢, which shows that Dayuan 大宛 already had some knowledge of Han 漢 and knew of its abundant wealth. Thus, the king believed Zhang Qian’s 張騫 promise of Han’s 漢 reward in wealth and goods, and sent Zhang Qian 張騫 off with “interpreters and guides (dao yi 導繹)”. “Dao yi 導繹” should be read as “dao yi 導譯”. This can be corroborated by the statement in the subsequent text, “Wusun 烏孫 provided interpreters and guides (dao yi 導譯) to accompany [Zhang] Qian [張]騫”. ^[1]

[20] The Kangju 康居 were a horse-riding nomadic tribe active on the northern bank of the Syr Darya. However, the Kangju 康居 which Zhang Qian 張騫 traversed in order to reach the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 in the valley of the Amu Darya should refer to the dependent territory of Kangju 康居, i.e., Sogdiana between the Syr Darya and Amu Darya. One reason for this assumption is that when Zhang Qian 張騫 traveled from Dayuan 大宛 to reach the royal court of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 on the northern bank of the Amu Darya, there was no need to make a detour at the northern bank of the Syr Darya, whereas Sogdiana lay on his route. In other words, Zhang Qian 張騫 reached the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 via Kangju 康居, showing that Sogdiana was then under the control of the Kangju 康居. It is recorded in the “Sima Xiangru liezhuan 司馬相如列傳 B” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 57B) that Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 wrote in a proclamation to the people of Ba 巴 and Shu 蜀, “Kangju 康居 and the Western Regions, with a series of interpreters pay tributes, kowtow and offer sacrifices”. The proclamation was issued at the end of the Yuanguang 元光 reign-period [130/129 BCE ]. From this we know that Kangju 康居 had sent envoys to the Han 漢 court before Zhang Qian 張騫 escaped from captivity, thus being the first state to send envoys to Han 漢.

[21] The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 mentioned here no longer inhabited the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. About 130 BCE , the Wusun 烏孫, who were subject to the Xiongnu 匈奴, launched an expedition against the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 and prevailed. The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 people were forced to abandon the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu and migrate to the west again. They reached the valley of the Amu Darya via Ferghāna, and conquered Daxia 大夏, which was located mainly on the southern bank of the river. When Zhang Qian 張騫 arrived, the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 had established their royal court on the northern side of the river, controlling a large area of land that used to belong to Daxia 大夏. Zhang Qian 張騫 probably learned about the second western migration of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 when he escaped from the Xiongnu 匈奴, who held him in captivity. This is why he did not travel to the valley of the Ili River, but instead went straight south to Ferghāna via the northern shore of the Balkhash Nor.

[22] “Crown prince”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads instead “royal consort”. The contradiction arises from the following fact. When the king of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 was killed, the crown prince was too young. Although he was established as king, his mother served as regent. In this monograph and in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), the story is told from different perspectives.

[23] The state of Daxia 大夏 was located in the valley of the present-day Amu Darya.

[24] The Yuezhi conquest of Daxia 大夏 had occurred in 130 BCE , about one year earlier than Zhang Qian’s 張騫 arrival in the valley of the Amu Darya. The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 were a nomadic tribe. When they migrated to the valley of the Gui 嬀 River (Amu Darya) from the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu, their way of life did not change, and their king toured both sides of the Gui 嬀 River. It was natural for a nomadic tribe to gradually turn to farming and eventually found a capital after entering an agricultural area. When Zhang Qian 張騫 reached the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 territory, he discovered that Da Yuezhi 大月氏 people “had set their minds on [a life of] peace and contentment”, as “the land was fertile”, certainly a manifestation of this historical trend.

[25] When Zhang Qian 張騫 arrived among the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 in 129 BCE , they had already occupied the land that the Daxia 大夏 used to possess south of the Gui 嬀 River; only the royal court was located north of the river. The king, however, made tours of inspection to the north and south, crossing the Amu Darya. Zhang Qian 張騫, in order to rouse the interest of the Yuezhi 月氏, reached Daxia 大夏 from the Yuezhi 月氏, which must refer to the fact he reached the former capital of the state of Daxia 大夏 from the royal court of Da Yuezhi 大月氏. This might have been in order to meet the king of Da Yuezhi 大月氏, who happened to be staying south of the river.

[26] “He was unable to rouse the interest (yaoling 要領) of the Yuezhi 月氏”: For “yaoling 要領”, according to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “yao 要 refers to the waist of a dress, and ling 領, its collar. When one holds a dress, one holds it by the collar and the waist. Zhang Qian 張騫 was unable to rouse the interest of the Yuezhi 月氏, and had nothing to bring back to Han 漢; hence the metaphor”. The reason for Zhang Qian’s 張騫 failure to rouse the interest of the Yuezhi 月氏 is spelled out in the text. But ultimately, the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 were settled in a place as far from Han 漢 as the valley of the Amu Darya; it was impossible for them to attack the Xiongnu 匈奴 jointly with Han 漢. Zhang Qian’s 張騫 failure in this respect was inevitable. On the other hand, although the purpose of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 mission was unfulfilled, it opened up a new horizon for the Han 漢 people. Han’s 漢 management of the Western Regions was inaugurated by this mission.

After staying there for over a year, ^[27] he returned making his way along the Southern Mountains, ^[28] as he wished to go back by way of the land of the Qiang 羌 peoples. ^[29] He was again captured by the Xiongnu 匈奴. ^[30] After over a year’s detention there ^[31] the Chanyu 單于 died, and King Luli 谷蠡 of the Left attacked the crown prince and usurped the throne; thus the state was thrown into confusion. ^[32] In company with his Hu 胡 wife and Tangyi [Gan]fu 堂邑[甘]父, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 escaped back to Han 漢. ^[33] He was appointed Superior Grand Master of the Palace, and Tangyi [Gan]fu 堂邑[甘]父 was made Master who Served as an Envoy.

[27] “Staying there for over a year”: From the first year [129 BCE ] of the Yuanguang 元光 reign-period to the first year [128 BCE ] of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period. Zhang Qian 張騫 embarked probably on his return journey late in the first year of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period.

[28] The Southern Mountains here refers to the Southern Mountains in the Western Regions, i.e., the present-day Karakorum, Kunlun 昆侖 Mountains, and Āltin-tagh.

[29] The Qiang 羌 peoples moved around as nomads in what is present-day Gansu 甘肅 and Qinghai 青海. Some of them were active as far away as Dunhuang 敦煌, west of the northern foothills of the Kunlun 昆侖 Mountains. Since it was likely that Zhang Qian 張騫 reached Loulan 樓蘭 southwest of Lop Nor via the Southern Route, then travelled north to Gushi 姑師 northwest of Lop Nor, and was captured again by the Xiongnu 匈奴 while going east from Gushi 姑師, to “go back by way of the land of the Qiang 羌 peoples” might then have been his original plan. In view of this possibility, the “land of the Qiang 羌” in the text may refer to the area inhabited by the Qiang 羌 people in the Southern Mountains of Han 漢, i.e., the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains.

[30] Zhang Qian 張騫 probably travelled along the Southern Route, reached Loulan 樓蘭 southwest of Lop Nor after passing Yutian 于闐 and Wumi 扜罙, and then travelled to Gushi 姑師 northwest of Lop Nor. It is quite possible that he went “a little further north” (for more details, see below), after he had learned that “the Qiang 羌 people would hate it [i.e., Han 漢 envoys passing through]”. As a result he was again captured by the Xiongnu 匈奴.

[31] “After over a year’s detention there”: From the second to the third year of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period [127-126 BCE ].

[32] The “Xiongnu liezhuan 匈奴列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110): “In the following winter, Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 died. His younger brother, Yizhicha 伊稚斜, King Luli 谷蠡 of the Left, established himself as the Chanyu 單于, defeating the crown prince of Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣, Yudan 於單”. This event occurred in the third year [126 BCE ] of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period.

[33] Zhang Qian 張騫 reached Han 漢 in the third year [126 BCE ] of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period. When Zhang Qian 張騫 was, again, captured and brought to the Chanyu 單于, he might have been escorted back to the site of his previous exile, and was able to join his Xiongnu 匈奴 wife, who returned to Han 漢 together with Zhang Qian 張騫. It was in the midst of the confusion after the death of Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣 that they managed to escape.

[Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was a man of strong physique and of considerable generosity; he inspired the trust of others and the barbarians loved him. Tangyi [Gan]fu 堂邑[甘]父 was formerly a Hu 胡 people; and, being an expert marksman, at [times of] critical shortages he would shoot animals to provide a supply of food. At the time when [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 had started his journey, over 100 men set out, but thirteen years later ^[34] only two succeeded in returning.

[34] “Thirteen years”: From the second year [139 BCE ] of the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period to the third year [126 BCE ] of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period.

The states reached by [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 in person comprised Dayuan 大宛, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, and Kangju 康居, and those of which he heard of included five or six large states at their side. ^[35] He told the Son of Heaven in full about them in the following terms: ^[36]

[35] “Those of which he heard tell included five or six large states at their side”: According to this text, they are Wusun 烏孫, Yancai 奄蔡, Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒.

[36] Among the states Zhang Qian 張騫 passed through or heard about in his first mission to the west, Dayuan 大宛, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, Kangju 康居, Wusun 烏孫, and Yancai 奄蔡 are probably all related to the Sakā peoples in the Behistun inscription of Darius I [521-486 BCE ] of the Achaemenid dynasty in Persia (I, 12-20; II, 5-8, and V, 20-30). According to the Geography of Strabo (XI, 8), the Sakās were mainly made up of four tribes: the Asii, the Gasiani, the Tochari, and the Sacarauli.

By the end of the 7th century BCE at the latest, the Asii and other tribes already lived in the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. Around the 520s BCE , the Asii and the other tribes expanded westwards as far as the right bank of the Syr Darya from the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu, and drove away the Massagetae, who originally lived there. In around 177/176 BCE , the Sakā tribes were forced to abandon the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu because of the western migration of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. Some of them moved south, scattered in the Pamirs, and then moved east and entered the oases in the Tarim Basin.

In around 140 BCE , large numbers of Sakās crossed the Syr Darya and moved south. A group of them entered Ferghāna and another group, Bactria. The latter destroyed the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom. The states they founded (made up mainly of the Tochari) were respectively referred to as Dayuan 大宛 and Daxia 大夏 by Zhang Qian 張騫. “Dayuan 大宛” [dat-iuat] and “Daxia 大夏” [dat-hea] both appear to have been transcriptions of “Tochari”.

At about the same time, another group of Sakās (who were probably mainly made up of the Asii), going downstream along the Syr Darya, migrated to the littoral of the Aral and Caspian Seas. Zhang Qian 張騫 referred to these Sakās as “Yancai 奄蔡”, and those who remained on the northern bank of the Syr Darya as “Kangju 康居”. “Yancai 奄蔡” [iam-tziat] and “Kangju 康居” [kang-kia] may be taken as transcriptions of “Asii” and “Sacarauli” respectively.

In 130 BCE , the Wusun 烏孫, supported by the Xiongnu 匈奴, launched an expedition against the Da Yuezhi 大月氏; they defeated the latter and occupied the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 once more migrated west and reached the valley of the Amu Darya, defeating the Daxia 大夏 and occupying their territory. Thus, the states of the Wusun 烏孫 and the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 were founded. Since “Wusun 烏孫” [a-sən] and “Yuezhi 月氏” [ngiuat-tyei] may be taken as transcriptions of “Asii” and “Gasiani” respectively, they might have had something to do with the Saka people.

“Dayuan 大宛 is to the southwest of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and due west of Han 漢, at a distance of about 10,000 li 里. ^[37] The way of life is that the inhabitants are settled on the land. ^[38] The fields are worked and sown with rice and wheat. They have wine made of putao 蒲陶 ^[39] and many good horses. The horses sweat blood, and it is said that their progenitors were descended from the Heavenly Horses. ^[40] They have walled towns and houses; the large and small settlements belonging to them amount to more than 70 towns, and contain an aggregate population of several hundreds of thousands. For military weapons they have bows and lances, and they shoot arrows while on horseback. North of this state is Kangju 康居; in the west is Da Yuezhi 大月氏; in the southwest is Daxia 大夏; in the northeast is Wusun 烏孫; ^[41] and in the east are Wumi 扜罙 ^[42] and Yutian 于 . ^[43]

“The rivers to the west of yutian 于 all flow west, ^[44] running into the Western Sea. ^[45] Its eastern rivers flow east, ^[46] running into the Salt Marsh. ^[47] The waters of the Salt Marsh flow underground and on the south form the source from which the [Yellow] River rises. ^[48] There is an abundance of jadestone. The River flows through the Middle Kingdom. And the states of Loulan 樓蘭 ^[49]
and Gushi 姑師 ^[50] being walled towns, ^[51] closely border the Yan 鹽 Marsh. ^[52] The Salt Marsh is probably 5,000 li 里 from Chang’an 長安. ^[53] The right part of the Xiongnu 匈奴 lives to the east of the Salt Marsh as far as the long walls in Longxi 隴西. To the south they adjoin the Qiang 羌, where they block the Han 漢 communication routes.

[37] “About 10,000 li 里” (Distance 1): This is the distance from Chang’an 長安, the capital of the Western Han 漢 dynasty, to the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛 via the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴. It is likely that Zhang Qian 張騫 set out for Dayuan 大宛 from the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴 north of the Gobi Desert. The earlier statement, “Dayuan 大宛 is to the southwest of the Xiongnu 匈奴”, indicates that the distance covers the journey via the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴.

[38] This monograph classifies the states in the Western Regions into two categories according to their form of economy: those whose people are settled on the land and those whose people are nomads. The nomadic states have strong troops; their people move around with their stock-animals. The states whose inhabitants are settled on the land cultivate the soil and build houses and walled towns. This knowledge came from Zhang Qian’s 張騫 report to Emperor Wu 武 after his first mission to the west. The report is mainly concerned with the states in the Western Regions west of the Pamirs, a result of the purpose of his first mission and the historical reality at that time.

Zhang Qian 張騫 had personally been to Dayuan 大宛, Kangju 康居, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, and Daxia 大夏 in the Western Regions. In addition, he had heard about Wusun 烏孫, Yancai 奄蔡, Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒. Among them, Kangju 康居, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Wusun 烏孫, and Daxia 大夏 are typical nomadic states, while the rest, namely, Dayuan 大宛, Daxia 大夏, Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒, are typical states whose inhabitants are settled on the land and till the soil. The Tochari, who had founded Dayuan 大宛 and Daxia 大夏, were originally nomads, but they became settled after they had entered the Ferghāna Basin and Bactria.

[39] “Putao 蒲陶” (grapes) is probably a transliteration of buδawa in Iranian.

[40] The “Yue shu 樂書” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 24): “The expedition against Dayuan 大宛 brought horses, named pushao 蒲梢, that run one thousand li 里 [a day]. [Emperor Wu 武] therefore composed a poem: ‘Heavenly Horses from the Western Extremity /
Come ten thousand li 里 to the Virtuous / By Divine strength and prestige the outer states are subjugated / [The forces] traverse the shifting sands, and barbarians from all directions submit’”. Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 24) quotes Ying Shao 應劭: “The sweat of the Dayuan 大宛 horses resembles blood soaking their bodies; the color of their froth is reddish brown”. This monograph calls them “the horses of Ershi 貳師”; it quotes the noblemen of Dayuan 大宛: “the horses in the town of Ershi 貳師 are [Da]yuan’s [大]宛 treasured horses”.

[41] The “Wusun 烏孫” were a nomadic tribe. When Zhang Qian 張騫 escaped from Xiongnu 匈奴 captivity and went west, the tribe had already migrated west to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu. This is why the text states that “Wusun 烏孫 is at a distance of about 2,000 li 里 northeast of Dayuan 大宛”.

[42] “Wumi 扜罙”, an oasis state, was located around the ruins of present-day Dandān-Uiliq. In c. 177-176 BCE , the Sakās were driven out of the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu by the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 who moved west. Some of the Sakās crossed the Congling 葱嶺 Mountains (Pamirs) and moved south. Ptolemy in his Geography (VI, 13) called “Sacara” the area located to the east of Sogdiana, to the west of the Pamirs, to the south of the Syr Darya, and to north of the Hindūkush. According to Ptolemy, some small tribes which moved within this region were the Caratae, the Comari, the Comediae, the Massagetae, and the Grynaci, among others. It seems that the Sakās can be divided into four tribes (the Asii and other tribes), which could be further divided into a number of smaller tribes with their own names. It is likely that, after they had arrived in the Congling 葱嶺 region, these Sakā tribes gradually infiltrated the Tarim Basin and formed many small states. “Wumi 扜罙” [a(kio)-miai], Comari, and Comediae can be regarded as variant transcriptions of the same name, which is also “Khema” in Kharoṣṭhī documents.

[43] “Yutian 于 ”, an oasis state, was located near present-day Khotan, most probably Yotkan. “Yutian 于 ” [hiua-dyen] and Gasiani can be taken as transcriptions of the same name. The state was probably founded by the Gasiani who migrated along the Southern Route in the Western Regions.

[44] “The rivers to the west of Yutian 于 all flow west”: The rivers were the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya.

[45] The Western Sea here refers to the Caspian.

[46] The east flowing river refers to the Tarim River.

[47] The Yan 鹽 Marsh (hereafter the “Salt Marsh”) is generally believed to refer to Lop Nor because of its high salt content.

[48] This is the theory of the underground source of the Yellow River, first seen in the “Haiwai beijing 海外北經” chapter of Shanhaijing 山海經: “Mount Jishi 積石 (gather rock), the one of Yu 禹, is to the east [of the state of Kuafu 夸父]. This is where the [Yellow] River enters”. According to Guo Pu’s 郭璞 commentary, “The [Yellow] River rises from the Kunlun 崑崙 Mountains and flows underneath. When it reaches the Congling 葱嶺 Mountains it, it again rises and pours into the Salt Marsh. From the Salt Marsh it again turns south. When it flows out of this mountain, it becomes the [Yellow] River in the Middle Kingdom, then flows into the sea”. Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123) quotes Kuodizhi 括地志: “The Puchang 蒲昌 Sea is also called You 泑 Marsh (Lake of the Black Water) or Salt Marsh”.

[49] “Loulan 樓蘭”, an oasis state, was located at the site of Charkhlik near present-day Ruoqiang 若羌, southwest of Lop Nor. “Loulan 樓蘭” [lo-lan] can be taken as a transcription of Sacarauli, i.e., Sakā [K]rauli or Sakā Krorai[mna]. The state was probably founded by the Sacarauli at the eastern end of the Tarim Basin.

[50] “Gushi 姑師”, a small oasis state, was located in the vicinity of the present-day ruins of Loulan 樓蘭, northwest of Lop Nor at the time when Zhang Qian 張騫 returned from his first mission to the Western Regions. “Gushi 姑師” [ka(kia)-shei] can be taken as a transcription of Gasiani; it was probably founded by the Gasiani who reached the eastern end of the Tarim Basin.

[51] According to Chanyu 單于 Modu’s 冒頓 letter to the Han 漢 court recorded in the “Xiongnu 匈奴 liezhuan” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110), Loulan 樓蘭, the predecessor of Shanshan 鄯善, was once included among the “the people who live by drawing the bow”.

[52] Loulan 樓蘭 and Gushi 姑師, on the route of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 return journey from his first mission to the Western Regions, both border on the Salt Marsh; one is to the southwest of Lop Nor, the other to its northwest.

[53] “5,000 li 里 from Chang’an 長安” (Distance 2): The text states that “the states of Loulan 樓蘭 and Gushi 姑師 being walled towns, closely border the Salt Marsh”. Since Zhang Qian 張騫 has indicated the distance from the Salt Marsh to Chang’an 長安, he has in fact recorded the approximate distance between the seats of the king’s governments of the two states and Chang’an 長安.

“Wusun 烏孫 is at a distance of about 2,000 li 里 ^[54] northeast of Dayuan 大宛. It is a nomadic state. ^[55] The people move around in company with their stock-animals and follow the same way of life as the Xiongnu 匈奴. Of trained bowmen numbering several tens of thousands, all are daring warriors. Formerly [the state] had been in submission to the Xiongnu 匈奴; ^[56] later, with the growth of prosperity, the state accepted [the need to maintain] ties but was unwilling to attend their court meetings. ^[57]

[54] “About 2,000 li 里” (Distance 3): The distance between the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛 and that of Wusun 烏孫. The seat of Wusun’s 烏孫 king’s government was located in the valley of the Naryn River.

[55] “Nomadic state”: See note 38.

[56] “Formerly [the state] had been in submission to the Xiongnu 匈奴”: This commenced in 177/176 BCE , when Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 defeated the Yuezhi 月氏.

[57] “With the growth of prosperity ...”: This began in 130 BCE , when the Wusun 烏孫 migrated to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu and drove away the Da Yuezhi 大月氏.

“Kangju 康居 is at a distance of about 2,000 li 里 ^[58] northwest of Dayuan 大宛. It is a nomadic state and followed very much the same way of life as the Yuezhi 月氏. They have 80,000 or 90,000 trained bowmen. The state is conterminous with Dayuan 大宛. It is a small state. ^[59] In the south it is constrained to serve the Yuezhi 月氏 and in the east, to serve the Xiongnu 匈奴.

[58] “About 2,000 li 里” (Distance 4): The approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛 and that of Kangju 康居, roughly the distance from Ferghāna to Turkestan north of the Syr Darya.

[59] “Small” does not refer to size, but to its population.

“Yancai 奄蔡 ^[60] is at a distance of about 2,000 li 里 ^[61] northwest of Kangju 康居. It is a nomadic state and follows very much the same way of life as the Kangju 康居. They have more than 100,000 trained bowmen. It is situated on the Great Marsh, ^[62] which has no [further] shore and is presumably the Northern Sea. ^[63]

[60] The “Yancai 奄蔡” were a nomadic tribe, active to the north of the Aral Sea.

[61] “About 2,000 li 里” (Distance 5): This is the approximate distance from the king’s seat of government of Kangju 康居 to that of Yancai 奄蔡.

[62] The “Great Marsh”: The present-day Aral Sea.

[63] The “Northern Sea”: Referring to either the Aral Sea or the Caspian Sea. This is perhaps a Persian name.

“The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 are at a distance of about two or three thousand li 里 ^[64] west of Dayuan 大宛. They dwell to the north of the Gui 嬀 River. ^[65] South of them is Daxia 大夏; in the west is Anxi 安息; ^[66] in the north, Kangju 康居. ^[67] It is a nomadic state. The people move around accompanied by their stock-animals and follow the same way of life as the Xiongnu 匈奴. There are about 100,000 or 200,000 trained bowmen.

In old time they rely on their strength and thought lightly of the Xiongnu 匈奴, but when [ Chanyu 單于] Modu 冒頓 ascended the throne he attacked and defeated the Yuezhi 月氏. ^[68] Eventually Chanyu 單于 Laoshang 老上 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 killed the king of the Yuezhi 月氏, making his skull into a drinking vessel. ^[69] Originally, the Yuezhi 月氏 had dwelt between Dunhuang 敦煌 ^[70] and Qilian 祁連, ^[71] but when they were beaten by the Xiongnu 匈奴, the Yuezhi 月氏 thereupon went far away, passing Dayuan 大宛 and proceeding west to attack and subjugate Daxia 大夏. The capital was established north of the Gui 嬀 River to house the royal court. ^[72] The remaining small group [of the Yuezhi 月氏] who were unable to leave sought protection among the Qiang 羌 tribes in the Southern Mountains ^[73] and they were termed the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏. ^[74]

[64] “About two or three thousand li 里” (Distance 6): It should be “about 2,000 li 里”; “three” is erroneously inserted. This is the approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛 and that of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏.

[65] The “Gui 嬀 River”: i.e., the Amu Darya. “Gui 嬀” [kiua] is a transcription of Vakhsh or Wakhsh.

[66] “Anxi 安息” refers to Parthian Persia. “Anxi 安息” [an-siək] is generally regarded as a transcription of Arsaces, the name of the Parthian royal family.

[67] “In the north, Kangju 康居”: At that time, Sogdiana was controlled by Kangju 康居.

[68] In the “Xiongnu liezhuan 匈奴列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110), the following is recorded: In the 4th year [176 BCE ] of the Qianyuan 前元 reign-period of Emperor Wen 文, Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓 presented a letter to Han 漢, which said: “At present, because my officials have violated the agreement, I punished the Wise King of the Right, and made him march west and seek out the Yuezhi 月氏 to attack them. With the aid of Heaven’s blessing, superior officials and soldiers, and strong horses, [the king] exterminated the Yuezhi 月氏, killing, suppressing, or subjugating all of them. Loulan 樓蘭, Wusun 烏孫, Hujie 呼揭, and their adjacent twenty-six states all became the territory of the Xiongnu 匈奴. All the people who live by drawing the bow are now united into one family”. Since Loulan 樓蘭 (southwest of Lop Nor), Wusun 烏孫 (near Yiwu 伊吾), and Hujie 呼揭 (southern foot of the Altai Mountains) were conquered by the Xiongnu 匈奴, the Yuezhi 月氏 were unable to stay in their former land. Therefore, they abandoned their former land to migrate to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu; this should have occurred at the time of Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓.

[69] This is to say that the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, who migrated to the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu, received another heavy blow from the Xiongnu 匈奴 during the reign of Chanyu 單于 Laoshang 老上, with their king killed. But this blow did not force them to abandon the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu; the purpose of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 first mission to the west was to contact the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 in this area.

[70] “Dunhuang 敦煌” here is generally believed to refer to Dunhuang 敦煌 Prefecture in Han 漢 times. The prefectural seat of government was located to the west of present-day Dunhuang 敦煌. However, it must be pointed out that the information concerning the former land of the Yuezhi 月氏 came from Zhang Qian’s 張騫 report of 126 BCE to Emperor Wu 武, presented after he had returned from his mission to the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. “Dunhuang 敦煌” as a place name did not occur in the texts before Han 漢. The name did not exist until Emperor Wu 武 divided the territory of Jiuquan 酒泉 Prefecture to establish new prefectures in the sixth year [111 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period. It is obvious that Zhang Qian 張騫 could not have indicated the former land of the Yuezhi 月氏 with reference to Dunhuang 敦煌 Prefecture or the seat of its government, because Dunhuang 敦煌 Prefecture had not been established at that time.

In other words, Zhang Qian 張騫 did not use the name “Dunhuang 敦煌” when he reported the location of the former lands of the Yuezhi 月氏 to Emperor Wu 武, but used an old place name, the geographical location of which roughly corresponded to that of the later Dunhuang 敦煌 Prefecture. The reason why the name “Dunhuang 敦煌” occurs in Zhang Qian’s 張騫 report concerning the former lands of the Yuezhi 月氏 is probably that Sima Qian 司馬遷 used the new name to replace the old one. As for the old place name that Zhang Qian 張騫 could have used in his original report, I believe that it might have been “Dunhong 敦薨” which occurs in the “Beishan jing 北山經” chapter of Shanhaijing 山海經. The “Dunhuang 敦煌” in “between Dunhuang 敦煌 and Qilian 祁連” may refer to “the Dunhong 敦薨 Mountains”, the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains.

[71] Since the “Dunhuang 敦煌” (i.e., the Dunhong 敦薨 Mountains) used by Zhang Qian 張騫 to indicate the former land of the Yuezhi 月氏 refers to the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains, the “Qilian 祁連” used to indicate the former lands of the Yuezhi 月氏 would not refer to the present Qilian 祁連 Mountains, but to the present-day Tianshan 天山 Mountains instead.

[72] The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 gave up the valleys of the Rivers Ili and Chu in 130 BCE . “Passing Dayuan 大宛”, etc., indicates that the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 migrated west by passing through the northern foothills of the Tianshan 天山 Mountains. According to this text, Zhang Qian 張騫 had sent his deputy envoy to the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 during his mission to Wusun 烏孫 early in the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period [116 BCE ]. When his deputy envoy returned to Han 漢, the envoy from the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 might have accompanied him. The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 in the valley of the Amu Darya first sent their envoy to the Western Han 漢 during the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period [116-111 BCE ] at the earliest.

[73] The “Southern Mountains” here is the same as in the text above; they both refer to the Southern Mountains of the Western Regions. This is perhaps because the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 split, when they were defeated by the Xiongnu 匈奴; one group migrated west by way of the northern foothills of the Tianshan 天山 Mountains, while the other (the old and the weak) entered the Southern Mountains. “The remaining small group [of the Yuezhi 月氏] who were unable to leave sought protection among the Qiang 羌 tribes of the Southern Mountains”: The Southern Mountains may well be regarded as the Southern Mountains of the Western Regions. There are scholars who believe that this smaller group resided in the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains; this is inaccurate at least. The Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏 should have scattered in the area from the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains as far as the Kunlun 昆崙 Mountains and Āltyn Tagh. The so-called “Qiang 羌 tribes of the Southern Mountains” should also include the Qiang 羌 tribes of the Southern Mountains of the Western Regions.

[74] The “Wei Jiangjun, Piaoji liezhuan 衛將軍驃騎列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 111) records a decree of Emperor Wu 武: “the General of Cavalry on the Alert, crossing the Juyan 居延 [Marsh] and then passing through [the territory of] the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏 (the Little Yuezhi 月氏), campaigned at the Qilian 祁連 Mountains and captured King Qiutu 酋涂. ... Grant to [Huo] Qubing’s [霍]去病 an increase to the earned emoluments from 5,000 households. Give the colonels who have arrived at [the land of] the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏 following [Huo Qubing 霍去病] the rank of Grandee of the Tenth Order”. The Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏 mentioned in Emperor Wu’s 武 decree should be the remnants who were left at the eastern end of the Tianshan 天山 Mountains when the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 migrated west, and they were probably on the route taken by Huo Qubing 霍去病 when he “campaigned at the Qilian 祁連 mountains”, the Han 漢 troops having first “passed through [the territory of] the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏” before the battle. ^[2]

“Anxi 安息 is at a distance of about several thousand li 里 ^[75] west of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. The way of life is that the inhabitants are settled on the land. The fields are worked and sown with rice and wheat. ^[76] They have wine made of grapes. Their towns and settlements are like those of Dayuan 大宛. Several hundred towns, large and small, belong [to Anxi 安息]. The territory extends for several thousand li 里 and it is the largest of the states. It is situated on the Gui 嬀 River. It has markets, and folk and merchants travel by vehicle or boat to the neighboring states, perhaps several thousand li 里 distant. They use silver to make coins, the coins bearing an [image] of their king’s face. Whenever a king dies, a changed coinage is cast on which the new king’s face is represented. ^[77] They rule [pieces of] leather, with lines running horizontally, ^[78] to form written records. West of this state is Tiaozhi 條枝; ^[79] north of it are Yancai 奄蔡 and Lixuan 黎軒. ^[80]

[75] “About several thousand li 里” (Distance 7): The approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 and that of Anxi 安息.

[76] “The fields are worked and sown with rice and wheat”: This is perhaps something Zhang Qian 張騫 heard on his journey, because rice was not produced in Parthian Persia until the era of the Sassanids.

[77] Zhang Qian 張騫 first reached the Western Regions during the reign of the Parthian king Fraates II [138/137-129 BCE ]. The obverse of the coins bore the representation of the king’s face. The statement, “whenever a king dies, a changed coinage is cast on which the new king’s face is represented”, reflects a popular custom in the ancient Middle East.

[78] “With lines running horizontally”: Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Hanshu yinyi 漢書音義: They “write horizontally to form written records”.

[79] “Tiaozhi 條枝” refers to the Syrian kingdom under the Seleucids. “Tiaozhi 條枝” [diəu-tjie] is an abbreviated transcription of [An]tiochi[a], the kingdom’s capital town.

[80] “Lixuan 黎軒” refers to Ptolemaic Egypt. “Lixuan 黎軒” [lyei-xian] is an abbreviated transcription of [A]lexan[dria], the kingdom’s capital town.

“Tiaozhi 條枝 is at a distance of several thousand li 里 ^[81] west of Anxi 安息. The state is situated on the Western Sea; ^[82] it is warm and damp. The fields are worked and sown with rice, ^[83] there are big birds and birds’ eggs as [large as water] jars. ^[84] The population is very numerous and in many places there are minor overlords or chiefs. Anxi 安息 subjugated it and treated it as an outer state (vassal state); ^[85] the people are expert at conjuring. ^[86] It is said that the elders of Anxi 安息 have learned by hearsay that in Tiaozhi 條枝 there is the Ruo 弱 River ^[87] and Xi Wangmu 西王母; ^[88] but they have all the same never seen them. ^[89]

[81] “Several thousand li 里” (Distance 8): The approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of Anxi 安息 and that of Tiaozhi 條枝.

[82] The Western Sea here refers to the Mediterranean.

[83] “The fields are worked and sown with rice”: This is what Zhang Qian 張騫 heard somewhere and mistakenly believed.

[84] “There are big birds and birds’ eggs as [large as water] jars”: These big birds are commonly believed to be ostriches.

[85] “Anxi 安息 subjugated it and treated it as an outer state”: Tiaozhi 條枝 here was subject to Anxi 安息 and served as its subordinate state. According to Western historical works, during the reign of the king of Anxi 安息, Mithridates I [171-139/138 BCE ], the state reached the height of its power. It captured the Syrian king, Demetrius II [145-139/138 BCE and 129-125 BCE ], who invaded Anxi 安息. Fraates II, who succeeded to the throne, defeated the invading Syrian army for the second time, wiping out 300,000 troops and killing their king, Antiochus VII [139/138-129 BCE ]. Fraates II later released Demetrius II imprisoned by Mithridates I, and wedded his daughter, making her his consort. It should not be difficult to see that this act of Fraates’s sought to control Syria more effectively and that Demetrius II, for his own release and restoration, had to make certain promises in response to the political and economic demands of the Persians. This was perhaps the background for the inclusion of Tiaozhi 條枝, which was subject to Anxi 安息, in the text.

[86] “The people are expert at conjuring”: According to Yan’s 顏 commentary quoted in Shiji zhengyi 史記正義, “These days, performances such as swallowing a knife, puffing out fire, making melons multiply and trees grow, hacking humans, and dissecting horses are examples”.

[87] “Ruo 弱 River (Weak Water)”: Literally, the water that is not able to bear boats. But the Ruo 弱 River here is perhaps a textual error for Ruo 若 River. The Ruo 若 River was imagined to be in the far west, perhaps because of the ancient memory of some people or tribe who migrated from the west.

[88] Xi Wangmu 西王母 (the Queen Mother of the West): According to one theory, her prototype was Koubaba, i.e., Cybele, the great goddess of Anatolia, and also related to such deities as Anat worshipped in Ugarit, a city-state on the shores of the Mediterranean in Syria from the 14 ^th to the 12 ^th centuries BCE .

In Chinese works (such as Mutianzizhuan 穆天子傳), the Queen Mother of the West was always placed in the western extremity. The text here even more explicitly states that the deity was situated on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, which accords with the theory that she is Cybele. Perhaps at the beginning Cybele was one among many deities and, towards the end of the Hittite Empire around 1180 BCE , she was taken to be the patron goddess of the Phoenicians, the new conquerors of Anatolia. Her position became more exalted, and her influence extended to the entire Mediterranean region, being accepted by the Greeks and Romans. If Queen Mother of the West were really Cybele, this could be regarded as an example of the spread of Mediterranean culture to the east as recorded in Chinese historical works.

[89] The Queen Mother of the West and the Ruo 弱 River are often mentioned together, but there is no evidence that one is necessarily related to the other. To sum up, the two may constitute the preserved memories of some tribes among the ancient Chinese, who had migrated from the west; they do not, however, necessarily belong to the same system.

“Daxia 大夏 is at a distance of more than 2,000 li 里 ^[90] southwest of Dayuan 大宛, on the southern bank of the Gui 嬀 River. The way of life is that the inhabitants are settled on the land, ^[91] and dwell in walled towns and houses and follow the same way of life as Dayuan 大宛. They have no major overlord or chief, and minor chiefs are frequently established in the towns and settlements. ^[92]
The army is weak and afraid of fighting. The people are expert traders. When the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 migrated west, they attacked and defeated Daxia 大夏, making all the Daxia 大夏 their subjects. The population of Daxia 大夏 may exceed one million. Its capital is called Lanshi 藍市, ^[93] and it has markets for the sale of all sorts of merchandise. ^[94] To the southeast of this state is the state of Shendu 身毒”. ^[95]

[90] “More than 2,000 li 里” (Distance 9): The approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛 and that of Daxia 大夏, the latter being Lanshi 藍市. At that time the royal court of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 was to the north of the Gui 嬀 River; it was a shorter distance to travel from Dayuan 大宛 to the Da Yuezhi’s 大月氏 royal court than from Dayuan 大宛 to Lanshi 藍市; hence the two figures: one, “about two (or three) thousand li 里”; the other, “more than 2,000 li 里”.

[91] After their conquest of Daxia 大夏, the Da Yuezhi 大月氏“had set their minds on [a life of] peace and contentment”. This indicates that the area was arable.

[92] “They have no major overlord or chief, and minor chiefs are frequently established in the towns and settlements”: This may indicate the situation after the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom was defeated, when different tribes of Sakās established different and independent administrations.

[93] “Lanshi 藍市” [lam-zhiə] is perhaps an abbreviated transcription of Alexandria, another name of Bactra, located near present-day Balkh.

[94] “It has markets for the sale of all sorts of merchandise”: This is what Zhang Qian 張騫 learned in his first mission to the west. By that time the Daxia 大夏 had remained in Bactria for more than ten years, and had in the interval changed their way of life. Their people had already become sedentary agriculturists, and inhabitants were “settled on the land”. Because the Daxia 大夏“have no major overlord or chief”, their so-called “capital”, the town of Lanshi 藍市, probably refers to Bactra, the largest town in that region, which had been the capital of the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom. Lying to the south of the Amu Darya, the town was very prosperous as one of the hubs of East-West commerce at that time.

[95] “Shendu 身毒” is in the valley of the present-day Indus. “Shendu 身毒” [sjien-tuk] is a transcription of Sindhu in Sanskrit or Hindu in Iranian.

[Zhang] Qian [張]騫 said: “When I was in Daxia 大夏, I noticed the bamboo staves of Qiong 邛 ^[96] and the cloth of Shu 蜀 ^[97] ; when I asked how these had been acquired, the men of Daxia 大夏 said: ‘Our merchants go and buy them in the state of Shendu 身毒. ^[98] That state lies several thousands of li 里 southeast of Daxia 大夏. ^[99] Its way of life is one of attachment to the land, and is very much like that of Daxia 大夏, but the place is low, damp, and very hot. The people ride on elephants to fight their battles, and the state borders on a large river’. ^[100] According to my reckoning, Daxia 大夏 lies 12,000 li 里 away from Han 漢 ^[101] in the southwest; we now find that the state of Shendu 身毒 lies several thousand li 里 to the southeast of Daxia 大夏 and is in possession of goods from Shu 蜀, that state cannot be far from Shu 蜀. Were an envoy to be sent to Daxia 大夏 to make his way through the Qiang 羌, he would find it dangerous going, and the Qiang 羌 people would hate it; and were he to go a little further north, he would be captured by the Xiongnu 匈奴; but if he were to go by way of Shu 蜀, he would be on a direct route, ^[102] and, moreover, there would be no brigands”.

[96] “The bamboo staves of Qiong 邛”: According to Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123), “Mount Qiong 邛 at Qiongdu 邛都 produces this type of bamboo; hence the ‘bamboo of Qiong 邛’. It is long between joints, with a solid inside, and is perhaps a parasitic plant or scandant vine. There are people who lean upon them as staves”. Mount Qiong 邛 is Mount Qionglai 邛崍, southwest of present-day Rongjing 榮經, Sichuan 四川 Province. The “bamboo of Qiong 邛” was probably a kind of rattan bamboo.

[97] “The cloth of Shu 蜀”: This refers to cloth produced in Shu 蜀, generally believed to be ramie cloth. Shu 蜀 is the name of a prefecture; its seat of government was on the site of present-day Chengdu 成都, Sichuan 四川 Province.

[98] This is the earliest report in Chinese historical works about the economic contacts with the valley of the Amu Darya in Central Asia and the subcontinent of South Asia.

[99] “Several thousands of li 里” (Distance 10): This refers to the approximate distance between the seat of the king’s government of Daxia 大夏, Lanshi 藍市, and Shendu 身毒.

[100] “Large river”: The Indus.

[101] “12,000 li 里” (Distance 11): This refers to the distance from the seat of the king’s government of Daxia 大夏, via that of Dayuan 大宛, to the Han 漢 capital, Chang’an 長安; i.e., the aggregate of “more than 2,000 li 里”, the distance between Lanshi 藍市 and the seat of the king’s government of Dayuan 大宛; and “about 10,000 li 里”, the distance between the latter and Chang’an 長安.

[102] “If he were to go by way of Shu 蜀, he would be on a direct route” ( cong shu yi jing 從蜀宜徑): According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “jing 徑 means zhi 直, direct; yi 宜 is the same as dang 當, meaning ‘should’. From Shu 蜀 to Daxia 大夏, the route should be a direct one”. In my opinion, Zhang Qian 張騫 did see products from Shu 蜀 in Daxia 大夏, but the statement, “if he were to go by way of Shu 蜀, he would be on a direct route”, was his conjecture.

So the Son of heaven heard that [states] such as Dayuan 大宛, as well as Daxia 大夏 and Anxi 安息, were all large states with many rare goods; that the people were attached to the land and that their way of life was rather similar to that of the Middle Kingdom; ^[103] however, their forces were weak, and they prized Han 漢 wealth and goods. [He heard that ] to their north, there were [peoples or places] such as the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 and Kangju 康居 whose forces were strong; it would be possible to present them with gifts and hold out advantages with which to bring them to court. ^[104] If they were really won over and made into subjects by the exercise of moral pressure, ^[105] it would be possible to extend [Han 漢] territory for 10,000 li 里. With [the help of] a series of interpreters, those whose customs were exotic could be brought to court, ^[106] and imperial power and prestige could be exercised throughout the area within the Four Seas. ^[107]

[103] “Their way of life was rather similar to that of the Middle Kingdom” ( po yu Zhongguo tong ye 頗與中國同業): For “tong ye 同業” (similar way of life), the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) substitutes “tong su 同俗” (similar customs).

[104] “It would be possible to present them with gifts and hold out advantages with which to bring them to court” ( she li chao ye 設利朝也): Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) states: “She 設 means shi 施, to present. To present them with profits, so that they are persuaded to come to court”. “To present them with gifts and hold out advantages with which to bring them to court” was a policy directed at various states in the Western Regions; the policy was based on the fact that “they prized Han 漢 wealth and goods”. Essentially, it was designed to attract these people with the more advanced economy and culture of the Central Plains.

[105] “If they were really won over and made into subjects by the exercise of moral pressure”: According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61): “Not by means of military power”.

[106] “With [the help of] a series of interpreters”: According to Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123), “words have been interpreted nine times before they reach us”. “With [the help of] a series of interpreters, those whose customs were exotic could be brought to court”, one of the purposes of which was to “seek rare goods”. The other purpose was for the states in the Western Regions to send envoys and princes to attend at the court, so as to spread Han’s 漢 prestige and power throughout the area within the Four Seas and adorn the peace and prosperity.

[107] “It would be possible to extend [Han 漢] territory for 10,000 li 里. With [the help of] a series of interpreters, those whose customs that were exotic could be brought to court, and imperial power and prestige could be exercised throughout the area within the Four Seas”: This was the Western Han’s 漢 common purpose, not only in opening communications with the Western Regions, but also in undertaking “the task of subduing the barbarians from all directions”. The policies of Han’s 漢 management of the Western Regions were to a great extent based on the understanding of the various states in that area as a result of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 first mission to the west, which had a lasting and significant impact on the administration in this area for a long time to come. This is what is meant by the following statement in Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 preface, the “Taishigong zixu 太史公自序” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 130): “After Han’s 漢 contact with Daxia 大夏, the distant barbarians in the extreme west looked toward the east with admiration and longed to see the Middle Kingdom”.

The Son of Heaven was delighted and believed [Zhang] Qian’s [張]騫 report. He then gave orders that, in accordance with [Zhang] Qian’s [張]騫 suggestions, secret missions should be sent out from Shu 蜀 and Jianwei 犍爲 ^[108] to reconnoiter, proceeding simultaneously by four routes. Leaving from Mang 駹, ^[109] Ran 冄, ^[110] Xi 徙, ^[111] Qiong 邛 ^[112] and Bo 僰, ^[113] each one travelled one or two thousand li 里. In the north their way was blocked by the Di 氐 ^[114] and the Zuo 筰, ^[115] and in the south by the Xi 巂 ^[116] and Kunming 昆明 ^[117] [tribes]. Peoples such as the Kunming 昆明 have no rulers or chiefs and are accomplished brigands; they always killed or pillaged the Han 漢 envoys, and in the end none were able to get through. However, it was learned that some thousand or more li 里 to the west there was the state of the elephant riders, named Dianyue 滇越, ^[118] and that merchants of Shu 蜀 who were surreptitiously taking their goods out had sometimes reached there. ^[119] Thereupon Han 漢 for the first time made contact with the state of Dian 滇, ^[120] in the search for a route to Daxia 大夏. Previously, when Han 漢 had wished to open communications with the Southwestern Yi 夷, the expenses had been great and [the attempt] had been abandoned. ^[121] When Zhang Qian 張騫 reported that it would be possible to communicate thereby with Daxia 大夏, a further venture was undertaken with the Southwestern Yi 夷. ^[122]

[108] “Jianwei 犍爲” was a prefecture. Its seat of government was located in present-day Yunlian 筠連, Sichuan 四川.

[109] “Mang 駹” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in what is present-day Maowen 茂汶, Sichuan 四川.

[110] “Ran 冄” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in present-day Maowen 茂汶, Sichuan 四川. For the tribe “Ran 冄”, the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) substitutes “Zuo 莋”.

[111] “Xi 徙” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in what is present-day Hanyuan 漢源, Sichuan 四川.

[112] “Qiong 邛” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in the present Xichang 西昌, Sichuan 四川, and north of present-day Lijiang 麗江 and Chuxiong 楚雄, Yunnan 雲南.

[113] “Bo 僰” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in the south of Sichuan 四川 and the northeast of Yunnan 雲南.

[114] “Di 氐” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in the southeast of present-day Gansu 甘肅, southwest of present-day Shaanxi 陝西, and northwest of the present Sichuan 四川.

[115] “Zuo 筰” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in present-day Hanyuan 漢源, Sichuan 四川, and the surrounding area.

[116] “Xi 巂” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active in present-day Xichang 西昌, Sichuan 四川.

[117] “Kunming 昆明” was one of the Southwestern Yi 夷, active to the west of present-day Sichuan 四川 and in the west and north of present-day Yunnan 雲南.

[118] “Dianyue 滇越”: One theory is that the state of Dianyue 滇越 was located between Assam and Burma. “Dianyue 滇越” [tien-hiuat] is a Chinese transcription of Danava. ^[3]

[119] “The merchants of Shu 蜀 who were surreptitiously taking their goods out had sometimes reached there” ( shu gu jian chu wu zhe huo zhi yan 蜀賈姦出物者或至焉): For “jian chu wu 姦出物”, the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads, “jian chu wu 間出物”. According to Yan’s 顏 commentary, it means “surreptitiously taking their goods out and trading”.

[120] “The state of Dian 滇”: The seat of its king’s government was to the east of present-day Jinning 晉寧, Yunnan 雲南.

[121] The “Xi’nanyi liezhuan 西南夷列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 116) records: “Up to the first year of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period, Zhang Qian 張騫, Marquis Bowang 博望, returned from his mission to the land of Daxia 大夏 and reported that while he was there he had seen cloth produced in Shu 蜀 and bamboo canes of Qiong 邛. On inquiring how they had gotten to Daxia 大夏, he was told, ‘They come from the land of Shendu 身毒, which lies several thousand li 里 southeast of here. We buy them in the shops of the Shu 蜀 merchants there’. He was told that Shendu 身毒 was situated some 2,000 li 里 west of Qiong 邛. ‘Daxia 大夏, which is situated southwest of Han 漢’, Zhang Qian 張騫 reported to the Emperor with enthusiasm, ‘is eager to open relations with the Middle Kingdom and is much distressed that the Xiongnu 匈奴 are blocking the road in between. If we could find a new route from Shu 蜀 via the land of Shendu 身毒, however, we would have a short and convenient way to reach Daxia 大夏 which would gain everything and lose nothing’! The Son of Heaven therefore ordered Wang Ranyu 王然于, Bai Shichang 柏始昌, Lü Yueren 呂越人, and others to go on a secret expedition through the region of the [South]western Yi 夷 and on to the west to search for the state of Shendu 身毒. When they got as far as Dian 滇, Changqiang 嘗羌, the king of Dian 滇, detained them and sent more than ten parties to the west to find out the way to Shendu 身毒 for over a year, but all the roads to the west had been closed off by the Kunming 昆明, ^[4] so that none of the men who had been sent ahead were able to reach Shendu 身毒”.

Emperor Wu’s 武 involvement with the Southwestern Yi 夷 began in the sixth year [135 BCE ] of the Jianyuan 建元 reign-period, but it was given up in the fourth year [125 BCE ] of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period. The attempt was resumed in the first year [122 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period in order to establish contact with Daxia 大夏.

[122] This is to say that the route taken by Han 漢 envoys was obstructed by the Kunming 昆明, and they were unable to reach Shendu 身毒 via the area inhabited by the Southwestern Yi 夷. They had heard that to the west of Kunming 昆明 there was Dianyue 滇越, and they reached the state of Dian 滇 in their attempts to find a route to Daxia 大夏. There may be scholars who would suggest that the fact that Han 漢 envoys were unable to get through does not mean that merchants were unable to get through. But those envoys sent by the Han 漢 court were all so-called “secret missions”. In other words, they traveled incognito, and it is possible that they disguised themselves as merchants when they set out on the journey. The reason why “in the end none were able to get through” is not so much that the nature of their “secret” mission was discovered as that the route they took was one that even merchants were unable to use. If the “direct route” that Zhang Qian 張騫 referred to was really in existence at that time, and was not found because Han 漢 envoys, “proceeding simultaneously by four routes”, were in the dark about it, the situation would have been very different when the king of Dian 滇, after Han 漢 had “made contact with the state of Dian 滇”, sent men “to find out the way to Shendu 身毒” for Han 漢. For more than a year “none of the men who had been sent ahead were able to reach Shendu 身毒”, even with the king’s assistance, so it is very doubtful whether the so-called Chuan-Dian-Mian-Yin 川滇緬印 (Sichuan 四川-Yunnan 雲南-Burma-India) route actually existed at that time.

As a colonel, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 had accompanied the Supreme General in campaigns against the Xiongnu 匈奴, and thanks to his acquaintance with [the resources of] water and the pasture grounds, the army had been able to get by without a shortage. [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was thereupon invested with the title Marquis Bowang 博望. ^[123] This year was the sixth of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period. ^[124] In the following year, ^[125] as Chamberlain for the Palace Garrison, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 set out from Youbeiping 右北平 [Prefecture] ^[126] to attack the Xiongnu 匈奴, in company with General Li [Guang] 李[ ]. The Xiongnu 匈奴 surrounded General Li [Guang] 李[ ], and the army suffered severe losses. Being late for his rendezvous, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was deemed worthy of death by beheading, but he redeemed himself from punishment by degradation to commoners’ status. ^[127] In this year the General of Cavalry on the Alert defeated the Xiongnu 匈奴 in their western regions, ^[128] [killing] men by the tens of thousands and reaching the Qilian 祁連 Mountains. In the following year ^[129] King Hunxie 渾邪 surrendered to the Han 漢 with his people. ^[130] [The area] west of Jincheng 金城 ^[131] and Hexi 河西 [prefectures] and along the Southern Mountains ^[132] as far as the Salt Marsh was empty and without Xiongnu 匈奴; ^[133] occasional patrols of the Xiongnu 匈奴 went there, but only rarely. Two years later Han 漢 attacked and drove the Chanyu 單于 to the north of the desert. ^[134]

[123] “Bowang 博望”: Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123) quotes “Dili zhi 地理志” [of Hanshu 漢書]: ‘Bowang 博望 County [in] Nanyang 南陽’”. Bowang 博望 County was southwest of present-day Fangcheng 方城 County, He’nan 河南 Province.

[124] The “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20) records: “As a colonel, [Zhang Qian 張騫] had accompanied the Supreme General in the campaign against the Xiongnu 匈奴 in the sixth year [of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period]. He was well acquainted with [the resources of] water and the pastures. Previously, he had been sent as an envoy to Daxia 大夏, a distant and inaccessible land. For these services he was enfeoffed. On the day jiachen 甲辰 in the third month of the sixth year [123 BCE ] [of the Yuanshuo 元朔 reign-period] Zhang Qian 張騫 was invested with the title Marquis Bowang 博望”.

[125] “In the following year”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “two years later”. In my opinion, “the following year” (the first year in the Yuanshou 元狩 reign period) refers to the year when Zhang Qian 張騫 became the Chamberlain for the Palace Garrison; “two years later” refers to the year when Zhang Qian 張騫 was stripped of his title.

[126] “Youbeiping 右北平” was the name of a prefecture; its seat of government was in present-day Ji 薊 County, Tianjin 天津.

[127] According to the “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20): “In the second year [of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period], Marquis [Bowang 博望] Zhang Qian 張騫 acted in a cowardly way when he led the army in a campaign against the Xiongnu 匈奴. He was deemed worthy of death by beheading, but he redeemed himself from punishment by degradation to commoner’s status, with his title stripped”. According to the “Li jiangjun liezhuan 李將軍列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 109): “Two years later, [Li] Guang [李] , the Chamberlain for Attendants, led 4,000 cavalry out of Youbeiping 右北平, and Marquis Bowang 博望 led 10,000 cavalry by a different route to rendezvous with [Li] Guang [李] . ... The troops under Li Guang’s 李 command were almost wiped out. Li Guang 李 made his way back with what remained of his army. According to the laws of Han 漢, Marquis Bowang 博望 tarried and was late for the rendezvous, and was deemed worthy of death by beheading, but he redeemed himself from punishment by degradation to commoner’s status”.

[128] For “the Xiongnu 匈奴 in their western regions”, the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “western borders”. In the “Wei jiangjun, Piaoji liezhuan 衛將軍驃騎列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 111), King Hunxie 渾邪 is referred to as “king of the western regions of the Xiongnu 匈奴”. This is because “western regions” refers to the vast area west of the Yumen 玉門 and Yang 陽 Barriers in the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書.

[129] “In the following year”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “in the autumn”. Both words follow the previous text, referring to the second year [121 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period. The version in Hanshu 漢書 is more accurate.

[130] According to the “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20): “King Hunxie 渾邪 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 surrendered with his community of 100,000; he was ennobled, with a feoff of 10,000 households. The day renwu 壬午 in the seventh month of the second year [121 BCE ] [of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign period] was the beginning of the first year of Marquis Ding 定, Hunxie 渾邪”.

[131] “Jincheng 金城” is the name of a county; its seat is northwest of present-day Lanzhou 蘭州, Gansu 甘肅 Province.

[132] The “Southern Mountains” here should be the Southern Mountains of Han 漢 in the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A), i.e., the present-day Qilian 祁連 Mountains.

[133] In the autumn of the second year [121 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period, the Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 was angered by the defeat of King Hunxie 渾邪 and King Xiutu 休屠 in the west, and wanted to have them summoned to his court and killed. King Hunxie 渾邪 thus plotted to surrender to Han 漢 with King Xiutu 休屠. Afterwards, King Hunxie 渾邪 killed King Xiutu 休屠 because the latter broke their contract, and led his people to surrender to Han 漢. After [King] Hunxie 渾邪 had surrendered, Han 漢 sent Zhang Qian 張騫 as an envoy to the Wusun 烏孫 in the first or second year [116 or 115 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period, in an effort to induce them to move east and live in their former lands, i.e., the present-day area from the Barkul area to Kumul. Because the Wusun 烏孫 did not move east to their former lands and Han 漢 lacked the strength to garrison it for a short while, this area soon reverted to the control of the Xiongnu 匈奴. In both the second year [99 BCE ] of the Tianhan 天漢 reign-period and the third year [90 BCE ] of the Zhenghe 征和 reign-period of Emperor Wu 武, Han 漢 had conducted campaigns on the eastern end of the Tianshan 天山 Mountains, but was unable to occupy this area. The Xiongnu 匈奴 returned as soon as the Han 漢 army withdrew.

[134] “Han 漢 attacked and drove the Chanyu 單于 to the north of the desert”: The event occurred in the fourth year [119 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period of Emperor Wu 武.

The Son of Heaven thereupon asked [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 several times about the states such as Daxia 大夏. Since he had already lost his marquis rank, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 took the opportunity to report as follows: ^[135] “When I was living among the Xiongnu 匈奴 I heard of the Wusun 烏孫; the king was titled Kunmo 昆莫, ^[136] and the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 father was [chief of] a petty state on the western borders of the Xiongnu 匈奴. ^[137] The Xiongnu 匈奴 attacked and killed his father, and the Kunmo 昆莫, at his birth, was cast away in the wilderness, where holding meat in their beaks ravens hovered over [the child] and a wolf nursed him with her milk. ^[138] The Chanyu 單于 believed this to be supernatural and raised the child to manhood. When he had come of age, [the Chanyu 單于] had him lead troops, and on several occasions he did so meritoriously. [The Chanyu 單于] delivered to the Kunmo 昆莫 his father’s people, and made him governor of the “western regions”. ^[139] Receiving charge of his people, the Kunmo 昆莫 attacked the neighboring small settlements. He had trained bowmen by the tens of thousands who were accustomed to attack and fight. After the Chanyu ’s 單于 death, the Kunmo 昆莫 led his people far away, declared neutrality, and was no longer willing to attend at the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴. The Xiongnu 匈奴 sent cavalry to attack him, but they had no success. Believing him to be supernatural, they kept their distance. Thereupon they tried to restrain and control him, but did not make any serious attack on him.

“The Chanyu 單于 has recently suffered at the hands of the Han 漢 and the Hunxie’s 渾邪 former lands are empty and deserted. ^[140] Barbarians are greedy for Han 漢 goods. If we could only make use of the present opportunity to send generous presents to Wusun 烏孫, and induce [its people] to move farther east and live in the Hunxie’s 渾邪 former land; if Han 漢 could establish brotherly relations, the situation would be such that they would agree, and this would result in cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu 匈奴. ^[141] Once a link has been forged with Wusun 烏孫, the states such as Daxia 大夏 to its west could all be induced to come to court and become outer subjects of Han 漢”. ^[142]

The Son of Heaven agreed with this [advice] and appointed [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 Leader of the Court Gentlemen, with a force of 300 men; each man had two horses, and the cattle and sheep were counted by the tens of thousands. He took gold, valuables, and silk worth an enormous amount, and there were a large number of deputy envoys with emblems of authority to be sent to the neighboring states, if the roads were feasible.

[135] The records about Wusun’s 烏孫 founders are different in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61): “While I was living among the Xiongnu 匈奴 I heard of the Wusun 烏孫. The king of the Wusun 烏孫 was titled the Kunmo 昆莫, and the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 father was named Nandoumi 難兜靡; originally the Wusun 烏孫 had lived with the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 between Qilian 祁連 and Dunhuang 焞煌, and they had been a small state. The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 attacked and killed Nandoumi 難兜靡, seizing his land; his people fled to the Xiongnu 匈奴. An infant Kunmo 昆莫 had recently been born, and the Xihou 翖侯 Bujiu 布就, ^[5] who was his guardian, took him in his arms and fled. He laid him in the grass and searched for food for him, and on coming back saw a wolf suckling the child; and there were also ravens holding meat in their beaks and hovering at [the child’s] side. Believing this to be supernatural, he then carried [the child] back to the Xiongnu 匈奴, and the Chanyu 單于 loved and reared him. When the Kunmo 昆莫 reached thirty years of age, the Chanyu 單于 delivered to him his father’s people. He had him lead troops, and on several occasions he did so meritoriously. At the time the Yuezhi 月氏 had already been defeated by the Xiongnu 匈奴; heading west, they attacked the king of the Sai 塞. The king of the Sai 塞 moved a considerable distance to the south and the Yuezhi 月氏 then occupied his lands. Once the Kunmo 昆莫 had grown to adulthood, he asked permission of the Chanyu 單于 to avenge the wrongs done to his father. Going west he attacked and defeated the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, who again fled west, moving into the lands of Daxia 大夏. The Kunmo 昆莫 despoiled the population of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, and then remained in occupation. His forces gradually grew stronger, and at the death of the Chanyu 單于 he was no longer willing to attend at the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and serve them. The Xiongnu 匈奴 sent cavalry to attack him, but had no success; and with an even greater respect for his supernatural powers they kept their distance. At present the Chanyu 單于 has recently suffered at the hands of the Han 漢 and the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 lands are empty and deserted. Barbarians have great attachment to their former lands, and are greedy for Han 漢 goods. If we could only make use of the present opportunity to send generous presents to Wusun 烏孫, and induce [its people] to move farther east and live in their former territory; and if Han 漢 would send a princess to them for marriage and establish brotherly relations, the situation would be such that they would agree, and this would result in cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu 匈奴. Once a link has been forged with Wusun 烏孫, the states such as Daxia 大夏 to its west could all be induced to come to court and become outer subjects of Han 漢”.

The contradictions in the two texts arise from the following factors. The Wusun 烏孫 were originally a nomadic tribe in the Kumul area. It is quite possible that they were subject to the Yuezhi 月氏 for some time. In 177/176 BCE , Chanyu 單于 Modu 冒頓 of the Xiongnu 匈奴 launched a large-scale attack on the Yuezhi 月氏; the Yuezhi 月氏 gave up their former lands and retreated west. It is quite possible that the defeated Yuezhi 月氏 lashed out at the Wusun 烏孫 and killed their Kunmo 昆莫, Nandoumi 難兜靡, at the time when Liejiaomi 獵驕靡, the son of Nandoumi 難兜靡, had just been born. The rest of the Wusun 烏孫 went with the orphan to the Xiongnu 匈奴 for shelter. After Liejiaomi 獵驕靡 had grown up, Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣 ordered him to lead his men to defend the western borders of the Xiongnu 匈奴. In 130 BCE , Liejiaomi 獵驕靡 made an expedition to the valley of the Rivers Ili and Chu with the support of the Xiongnu 匈奴. After Chany u 單于 Junchen 軍臣 died, Liejiaomi 獵驕靡“was no longer willing to attend at the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and serve them”.

It has been pointed out that, according to Hanshu 漢書, the Kunmo 昆莫 had settled down in “the land of the Sai 塞” before the Chanyu 單于 died; however, according to Shiji 史記, the Kunmo 昆莫 led his people far away after the Chanyu 單于 had died. This shows that there are contradictions between Shiji 史記 and Hanshu 漢書. In my opinion, the focus in both books concerning the death of the Chanyu 單于 is the same, that is, to stress that the Wusun 烏孫 did not cast off the control of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and become an independent state until the Chanyu 單于 died. Because Shiji 史記 does not refer to the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 attack on the Da Yuezhi 大月氏, its statement is rather general and not as clear as that of Hanshu 漢書 nor is it as orderly in its narration of the events: the Wusun 烏孫 settled in “the land of the Sai 塞” after they had driven the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 away and, then, at the time of the death of the Chanyu 單于, were no longer willing to attend at the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and serve them. This is the only difference between Shiji 史記 and Hanshu 漢書 on the point at issue. As for the above-mentioned Chanyu 單于, he was undoubtedly Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣, who died in 126 BCE . For the Sai 塞 tribe mentioned in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), see my commentary on the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96).

[136] “ Kunmo 昆莫” was the title of Wusun’s 烏孫 king.

[137] The former land of the Wusun 烏孫 was located in the present-day Kumul area.

[138] Although the name of Wusun 烏孫 is a transliteration, given the legend of the king being fed by the ravens and suckled by a wolf, the characters in Chinese also connote “offspring of the ravens”.

[139] The “western regions” here, as stated above, refers to the “western regions” of the Xiongnu 匈奴.

[140] “The Hunxie’s 渾邪 lands”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “ Kunmo ’s 昆莫 lands”. For “Hunxie’s 渾邪 lands” in the subsequent text, Hanshu 漢書 reads “former lands [of the Kunmo 昆莫]”. In my opinion, “Hunxie’s 渾邪 lands” should have been “the western regions” of the Xiongnu 匈奴. Here, it is not explicitly stated that the “Xiyu 西域” or the “western regions” guarded by the Kunmo 昆莫 was the former land of the Wusun 烏孫, but the land was obviously the area where the Kunmo 昆莫 had lived and herded before he moved far away, and was indeed “the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 land” in Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61). In contrast to the territory which lay to “the northeast of Dayuan 大宛”, it can be taken as “the former land of the Wusun 烏孫”. Actually there is no contradiction here between Shiji 史記 and Hanshu 漢書. The reason why Hanshu 漢書 changed “Hunxie’s 渾邪 former lands” into “the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 land” is only that “Hunxie’s 渾邪 land” was not exactly equivalent to “the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 land”. The Wusun 烏孫 were “a petty state” before they moved west and, as regards the geographical region, “the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 land” was undoubtedly included within “Hunxie’s 渾邪 land”.

[141] Hunxie’s 渾邪 former land was located in the present-day Hexi 河西 Corridor and the area to its west. At that time this territory was “empty and deserted” because King Hunxie 渾邪 had surrendered to Han 漢. If this territory was controlled by a state allied with Han 漢, the situation would be very favorable to cutting off the connection between the Xiongnu 匈奴 and the Western Regions. Therefore, the destination of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 second mission to the Western Regions was also the valley of the Rivers Ili and Chu, identical with his first. “Cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu 匈奴”, so to speak, means that Han 漢 could sever Xiongnu’s 匈奴 connection with the Western Regions through Wusun 烏孫. While the Western Han’s 漢 influence filtered into the Western Regions gradually and the balance of power changed in a direction that was favorable to the Western Han 漢, it began to carry out the stratagem of “cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu 匈奴” by driving out the Xiongnu 匈奴 and replacing their influence in the Western Regions: it no longer looked to form alliances with states like Wusun 烏孫 in the Western Regions.

[142] “Once a link has been forged with Wusun 烏孫, the states such as Daxia 大夏 to its west could all be induced to come to court and become outer subjects of Han 漢”: The purpose of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 mission to Wusun 烏孫, in addition to “cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu 匈奴”, was also to open up the route from east to west. Before Zhang Qian 張騫 was sent on his mission to Wusun 烏孫, Wusun 烏孫, as a dependency of the Xiongnu 匈奴, had in fact been obstructing the communications between Han 漢 and the various states in the Western Regions.

As soon as he reached Wusun 烏孫, ^[143] the king of Wusun 烏孫, the Kunmo 昆莫, received [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 with ceremonial such as that [used for receiving] a Chanyu 單于. Knowing the greed of these barbarians, [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was greatly mortified and said: “The Son of Heaven has sent some gifts, and unless the king makes obeisance, I shall return with them [to Han 漢]”. The Kunmo 昆莫 stood up and made obeisance, and the other [parts of the ceremonial were continued] as formerly. [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 gave [the Kunmo 昆莫] a message of guidance from the Han 漢 Emperor, saying: “If the [people of] Wusun 烏孫 are able to move east and dwell in the Hunxie’s 渾邪 lands, then Han 漢 will send a princess to be the Kunmo ’s 昆莫 wife”. The Wusun 烏孫 state was divided; the king was old, thought that Han 漢 was remote, and had no informed idea of its size. Moreover [Wusun 烏孫] was close to the Xiongnu 匈奴, to whom it had been subject for a long period, so that none of the senior officials, who were afraid of the Hu 胡, wished to move. The king was unable to exercise complete and unified control. [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was unable to rouse his interest.

The Kunmo 昆莫 had more than ten sons. The Dalu 大祿, ^[144] whose position was in the middle of the group, was a man of valor and a skillful leader, and he had led over 10,000 horsemen away to take up his abode separately. The elder brother of the Dalu 大祿 was the heir-apparent [to the Kunmo 昆莫] and he had a son who bore the title Cenqu 岑娶. ^[145] The last words of the heir-apparent, who had died while still young, to his father, the Kunmo 昆莫, were: “You must without fail appoint the Cenqu 岑娶 as heir, and do not allow any other man to take his place”. In his sorrow, the Kunmo 昆莫 had promised to do this, and so on the death of his father the Cenqu 岑娶 became heir apparent. The Dalu 大祿 was angry at being prevented from acting as heir-apparent. Thereupon, he collected his brothers and led a large group of the people in revolt, planning to attack the Cenqu 岑娶 and Kunmo 昆莫. The Kunmo 昆莫, being old, was in constant fear that the Dalu 大祿 might kill the Cenqu 岑娶. He therefore gave the Cenqu 岑娶 more than 10,000 horsemen and ordered him to take up residence separately; the Kunmo 昆莫 himself retained over 10,000 horsemen as a measure of self-defence. [The people of] the state were divided into three parts, but the majority were tied and subject to the Kunmo 昆莫. Therefore, the Kunmo 昆莫 did not dare to take it upon himself to conclude that treaty with [Zhang] Qian [張]騫. ^[146]

[143] There are no clear records on which route Zhang Qian 張騫 took when he went on the mission to Wusun 烏孫. We can speculate that he went west along the northern foothills of the Āltin-tagh until he reached Loulan 樓蘭, which was located southwest of Lop Nor, then went north from Loulan 樓蘭 to reach Gushi 姑師, which was located northwest of Lop Nor (in the area of the present-day ruins of the ancient town of Loulan 樓蘭), and then went further west along the Konche Darya until he arrived at Wusun 烏孫 by way of Qiuci 龜茲. At that time, Han 漢 had won a significant victory over the Xiongnu 匈奴. Especially after Hunxie 渾邪, the king of the western regions of the Xiongnu 匈奴, had surrendered to Han 漢 in the second year [121 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period, “[the area] west of Jincheng 金城 and Hexi 河西 [Prefectures] and along the Southern Mountains (i.e., Āltyn Tagh) as far as the Salt Marsh was empty and without Xiongnu 匈奴”, as mentioned in Shiji 史記. Since there were no Xiongnu 匈奴 all along the Southern Mountains as far as the Salt Marsh (Lop Nor), it was quite possible that Zhang Qian 張騫 went to Wusun 烏孫 by this route. In addition, Han 漢 had driven the Xiongnu 匈奴 to the north of the Gobi Desert in the fourth year [119 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period. The Xiongnu 匈奴, however, did not lose control over the southern foothills of the Altai Mountains, including the Dzungharia Basin. Therefore, the Northern Route of the Tianshan 天山 Mountains was not necessarily an easy road for Zhang Qian 張騫. As for Zhang Qian’s 張騫 journey home, it is reasonable to think that he took the same way.

[144] “Dalu 大祿” was the title of an office in Wusun 烏孫; it is used here as a personal name.

[145] For “Cenqu 岑娶”, the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96B) reads “Cenzou 岑陬”. It was the title of an office in Wusun 烏孫, but is used here as a personal name.

[146] Wusun 烏孫 had established its state in the valley of the Rivers Ili and Chu and, as is recorded in the text, they were “no longer willing to attend at the court of the Xiongnu 匈奴” after the death of Chanyu 單于 Junchen 軍臣. However, their land lay close to the Xiongnu 匈奴, and thus was controlled by the Xiongnu 匈奴. This must have been the primary reason why Zhang Qian 張騫 was still unable to rouse the interest of the Wusun 烏孫. Of course, other factors, among them the division within the state, the old age of the king, the distance from Han 漢, also had some impact.

[Zhang] Qian [張]騫, therefore, sent his deputy envoys on separate missions to [the states of] Dayuan 大宛, Kangju 康居, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, Anxi 安息, Shendu 身毒, Yutian 于 , Wumi 扜罙, and the adjacent states. ^[147] Wusun 烏孫 provided interpreters and guides to accompany [Zhang] Qian [張]騫, together with a mission from Wusun 烏孫; this comprised men and horses, each numbering several tens, and was to render thanks [to the Emperor]. The mission was ordered to use the opportunity to make an observation of Han 漢 and find out its extent. ^[148]

[147] The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) does not mention such states as Anxi 安息, Shendu 身毒, Yutian 于 , and Wumi 扜罙. The states to which Zhang Qian’s 張騫 deputy envoys were sent were visited by Zhang Qian 張騫 in person or were those about which he gained information during his first mission to the Western Regions. Among them, Yutian 于 , and Wumi 扜罙 must have been the oasis states on the Southern Route through which he passed on his first mission to the Western Regions.

[148] This can be seen as the beginning of Wusun’s 烏孫 alliance with Han 漢. The support or opposition of Wusun 烏孫 was crucial for the Western Han’s 漢 ultimate conquest of the Xiongnu 匈奴.

On his return ^[149] [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 was appointed Director of the Messenger Office ranked as one of the nine chamberlains. After about a year [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 died. ^[150]

[149] There are no clear records on the date when Zhang Qian 張騫 departed on his mission to Wusun 烏孫 in historical works. It is generally assumed that he set out in the fourth year [119 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period and returned home in the second year [115 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period. In my opinion, in the fourth year of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period, Han 漢 troops attacked the Xiongnu 匈奴 north of the Gobi Desert, and thus the roads to the Western Regions were opened up. It is not impossible that Zhang Qian 張騫 was sent in this year. However, strictly speaking, this year can only be taken as the earliest possible date when Zhang Qian 張騫 could have set out. On the basis of this monograph or the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), it can be seen that Zhang Qian 張騫 did not encounter any obstructions, and seemingly did not stay in Wusun 烏孫 for a long time. Since Zhang Qian 張騫 returned to his homeland in the second year of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period [115 BCE ] according to the “Han ji 漢紀 12” of Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑒 (ch. 20), it is reasonable to assume that Zhang Qian 張騫 set out in the first or second year [116 or 115 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period.

[150] “Zhang Qian 張騫” was appointed Director of the Messenger Office in the second year [115 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period, and died in the third year. ^[6]

The envoys of Wusun 烏孫 returned to their state after observing the large numbers of Han 漢 people and the abundance of Han’s 漢 wealth; and the state’s appreciation of Han 漢 was considerably enhanced. About a year later the [deputy] envoys whom [Zhang] Qian [張]騫 had sent to make contact with states such as Daxia 大夏 all came to court, in many cases with people from those places, and for the first time the states of the northwest then came into communication with Han 漢. ^[151] It was Zhang Qian 張騫 who had pioneered the way, ^[152] and all those who subsequently went there as envoys mentioned the name of Marquis Bowang 博望 as a pledge of good faith ^[153] among the outer states, who then trusted them.

[151] Daxia 大夏 here may mean several minor chiefs of the original Daxia 大夏 subject to the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. Both Da Yuezhi 大月氏 and Daxia 大夏 are mentioned here, which seems to indicate that they were two independent states. Actually, this shows that although the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 had conquered Daxia 大夏, they did not completely destroy the native administrative structure. The so-called five Xihou 翖侯 may have been original minor chiefs in the towns and settlements of Daxia 大夏. All these Xihou 翖侯 had a measure of autonomy, and the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 people only collected taxes from them. In this monograph it is recorded: “The [deputy] envoys whom [Zhang Qian 張騫] had sent to make contact with states such as Daxia 大夏 all came to court, in many cases with people from those places”. If it is true that the Daxia 大夏 were among the people from those places, then they would probably be representatives of the indigenous administration subject to the Da Yuezhi 大月氏.

[152] “Zhang Qian 張騫 who had pioneered the way (zao kong 鑿空)”: The interpretation offered by Su Lin 蘇林, cited in Pei Yin’s 裴駰 Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123), is: “Zao 鑿 means to open up, and kong 空 means to make passable. In other words, Zhang Qian 張騫 had pioneered the way to the Western Regions”. Shiji suoyin 史記索隱 (ch. 123) comments: “It means that the Western Regions was full of dangers and obstacles, and had no ways or paths. Now it is opened up and is passable”. However, the archaeological and textual evidence shows that the way to the Western Regions had been pioneered as early as the pre-Qin 秦 period. In view of this, the so-called “zao kong 鑿空” in Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 statement may not refer to the opening of the roads to the Western Regions in a general sense. The text emphasizes that Han 漢 began to exchange envoys with the various states in the Western Regions after Zhang Qian’s 張騫 two missions to the west. Specifically, what is meant by the statement that “for the first time the states of the northwest came into communication with Han 漢” is the official ties rather than unofficial contacts, the traffic being bi-directional rather than uni-directional.

[153] “As a pledge of good faith among the outer states” ( yi wei zhi yu waiguo 以爲質於外國) Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Ru Chun 如淳: “Zhi 質 means sincerity and credit. Marquis Bowang 博望 was a man of credit and honor, so subsequent envoys evoked his name as a pledge of good faith to the outer states”.

Hearing that Wusun 烏孫 was in contact with Han 漢, the Xiongnu 匈奴 grew angry and wished to attack after the death of [Zhang] Qian [張]騫, Marquis Bowang 博望. Moreover, when the Han 漢 envoys to Wusun 烏孫 came to leave thence by the south, ^[154] they made their way to Dayuan 大宛 and the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 one after another. Wusun 烏孫 now grew apprehensive and sent envoys with presents of horses [to the Emperor], in the hope of obtaining a princess in marriage and of forming a fraternal alliance. The Son of Heaven asked his attendant officials for their views. They advised that “the stipulation is that only when the marriage gifts had been delivered to court should a girl be sent”. Now when, on a previous occasion, the Son of Heaven had opened the Book of Changes , ^[155] the text had read: “The supernatural horses are due to come from the northwest”. When he obtained horses from Wusun 烏孫, he liked them and named them “the Heavenly Horses”; but when he came to acquire the blood-sweating horses from Dayuan 大宛, they were even finer. So he changed the name of the horses of Wusun 烏孫, calling them “the horses of the extreme west”, and he called the horses of Dayuan 大宛“the horses of Heaven”. And Han 漢 for the first time built [fortifications] at Lingju 令居 ^[156] and farther west. At first Jiuquan 酒泉 Prefecture ^[157] was founded in order to communicate with the states of the northwest. Thereafter [more] envoys were sent out, and reached Anxi 安息, Yancai 奄蔡, Lixuan 黎軒, Tiaozhi 條枝, and Shendu 身毒. As the Son of Heaven had a fondness for the horses of [Da]yuan [大]宛, these envoys were in sight of each other on the roads. A single mission, which to be sent to outer states, comprised several hundred members, if large, and a hundred or so, if small; and the gifts they carried ^[158] were generally [chosen to] resemble those sent in the time of Marquis Bowang 博望. Later [the dispatch of missions] became more a matter of routine, and they were reduced to smaller numbers. Each year the number of Han 漢 missions amounted to over ten, if many, and five or six, if few; those that went on long distances returned after eight or nine years, those on shorter distances after several years.

[154] “When the Han 漢 envoys to Wusun 烏孫 came to leave thence by the south” ( ji Han shi Wusun, ruo chu qi nan 及漢使烏孫, 若出其南): Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Xu Guang 徐 : “Ruo 若”, “ Hanshu 漢書 reads ji 及; ruo 若 means the same as ji 及”.

[155] “The Son of Heaven had opened the Book of Changes ”: Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Hanshu yinyi 漢書音義: “[The Son of Heaven] had opened the Book of Changes to make a divination”.

[156] “Lingju 令居” is the name of a county; its seat of government was located northwest of present-day Yongdeng 永登, Gansu 甘肅 Province. In the “Pingzhun shu 平準書” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 30), the following is recorded: “In the next year [112 BCE ] the kingdom of Southern Yue 越 rebelled and the Western Qiang 羌 invaded the border, pillaging and murdering. Because the region Shandong 山東 was still suffering from a lack of food, the Emperor declared a general amnesty throughout the empire. With the prisoners thereby released, and the men trained in the south for service on the towered ships — a force of over 200,000 in all — an attack was launched on Southern Yue 越. At the same time cavalry men, numbering several tens of thousands, from the prefectures of Henei 河內, Hedong 河東, and He’nan 河南 were sent west to attack the Western Qiang 羌. Another contingent, again numbering several tens of thousands, was sent across the Yellow River to fortify the border at Lingju 令居. The prefectures of Zhangye 張掖 and Jiuquan 酒泉 were set up”.

[157] “Jiuquan 酒泉” Prefecture was founded in the second year [121 BCE ] of the Yuanshou 元狩 reign-period; its seat of government was located in what is present-day Jiuquan 酒泉, Gansu 甘肅 Province. It was one of the four prefectures of the Hexi 河西 region.

[158] “The gifts they carried were generally [chosen to] resemble those sent in the time of Marquis Bowang 博望” ( ren suo jicao dafang Bowang hou shi 人所齎操大放博望侯時): According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “Cao 操 means the same as chi 持 (to carry). What were carried were the emblems of authority and valuables”.

At this time Han 漢 had destroyed Yue 越, and the Southwestern Yi 夷 and Shu 蜀 were all alarmed. ^[159] They requested the establishment of officials, and sent the envoys to pay the respect at the court. The prefectures of Yizhou 益州, ^[160] Yuexi 越巂, ^[161] Zangke 牂柯, ^[162] Shenli 沈黎, ^[163] and Wenshan 汶山 ^[164]
were founded, with the intention that, as these lands adjoined each other, it would be possible to advance thereby and make communication with Daxia 大夏. ^[165] Over ten envoys, including Bai Shichang 柏始昌, Lü Yueren 呂越人, and others, were dispatched annually to leave by way of these new prefectures ^[166] for Daxia 大夏. They were blocked by Kunming 昆明, the members being killed and robbed of their valuables and goods. Envoys were ultimately unable to get through and to make communication with Daxia 大夏. ^[167] Han 漢 thereupon sent out troops from the convicts of the metropolitan district; and sent the two generals Guo Chang 郭昌 and Wei Guang 衛 in command of soldiers by the tens of thousands from Ba 巴 ^[168] and Shu 蜀, to attack the Kunming 昆明 who had intercepted the Han 漢 envoys; several tens of thousands of the men were beheaded or made prisoners by the Han 漢 army before it withdrew. ^[169] Subsequently envoys were again sent out, but the Kunming 昆明 again robbed them and they were ultimately unable to get through. ^[170] On the other hand, missions to Daxia 大夏 by the Northern Route, via Jiuquan 酒泉, had by their frequency caused the foreign states to be less and less interested in Han’s 漢 valuables, which they no longer appreciated. ^[171]

[159] “At this time Han 漢 had destroyed Yue 越, and the Southwestern Yi 夷 and Shu 蜀 were all alarmed”: This occurred in the sixth year [111 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period. In place of “the Southwestern Yi 夷 and Shu 蜀”, the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads, “the Southwestern Yi 夷 whose residence adjoins Shu 蜀”.

[160] “Yizhou 益州” Prefecture was founded in the territories of the Southwestern Yi 夷. Its seat of government was located east of present-day Jinning 晉寧, Yunnan 雲南 Province.

[161] “Yuexi 越巂” Prefecture was founded in the territories of the Southwestern Yi 夷. Its seat of government was located southeast of present-day Xichang 西昌, Sichuan 四川 Province.

[162] “Zangke 牂柯” Prefecture was founded in the territories of the Southwestern Yi 夷. Its seat of government was located between present-day Huangping 黃平 and Guiding 貴定, Guizhou 貴州 Province.

[163] “Shenli 沈黎” Prefecture was founded in the territories of the Southwestern Yi 夷. Its seat of government was located northeast of present-day Hanyuan 漢源, Sichuan 四川 Province.

[164] “Wenshan 汶山” Prefecture was founded in the territories of the Southwestern Yi 夷. Its seat of government was located north of Mao 茂 County, Sichuan 四川 Province.

[165] “It would be possible to advance thereby and make communication with Daxia 大夏”: Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Li Qi 李奇: “In order to reach Daxia 大夏 via these adjoining lands”.

[166] “New prefectures” (chu jun 初郡): “Chu jun 初郡” refers to the prefectures that were just founded.

[167] Among these new prefectures, Yizhou 益州 was at the southwestern extreme. Cf. the “Xi’nanyi liezhuan 西南夷列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 116): “The king of Dian 滇 was presented with the seal of the king and restored to the position to lead the people”. This occurred after the state of Dian 滇 and its neighbors, Laojin 勞𣹰, Mimo 靡莫, etc., were made into Yizhou 益州 Prefecture in the second year [109 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period. Thus, “of the hundreds of native overlords or chiefs among the Southwestern Yi 夷, only those of Yelang 夜郎 and Dian 滇 were granted the seals of kings. Dian 滇, although a relatively small fief, still enjoys the highest favor with the Emperor”. We can infer from this that the Han 漢 envoys who wanted “to leave by way of these new prefectures for Daxia 大夏” had to go through Yizhou 益州 Prefecture and rely on the help of the king of Dian 滇. It is possible that the king of Dian 滇, overtly agreeing but covertly opposing, did not do his best “to find out the way” for the Han 漢 envoys before the prefecture was founded, but this possibility was practically nonexistent after the prefecture had been founded, because the king of Dian 滇 was presented with the seal and enjoyed “the highest favor with the Emperor”. The reason that “envoys were ultimately unable to get through and to make communication with Daxia 大夏” might be that no possible routes existed.

[168] “Ba 巴” Prefecture was located north of present-day Chongqing 重慶.

[169] The event occurred in the second year [109 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period. ^[7]

[170] Up to this point, Emperor Wu’s 武 management of the Southwestern Yi 夷 for the purpose of making communication with Daxia 大夏 ended in failure.

[171] Since it was impossible to go through the lands of the Southwestern Yi 夷, Han 漢 had to go by way of Jiuquan 酒泉, not only to Daxia 大夏, but also to Shendu 身毒. Zhang Qian 張騫 sent his deputy envoy to Shendu 身毒 when he was sent to Wusun 烏孫 as an envoy at the beginning of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period. The deputy envoy certainly went by the Northern and Southern Routes in the Western Regions from Jiuquan 酒泉 Prefecture. According to the edict of Emperor Wu 武 recorded in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), the various states to the west of Weixu 危須 had plotted among themselves and killed the envoys from the state of Shendu 身毒. Since the state of Shendu 身毒 sent its envoys to Han 漢 by the Northern Route, this is further evidence to prove that there was no “direct route” during the reign of Emperor Wu 武, contrary to Zhang Qian’s 張騫 assumption. Weixu 危須 was an oasis state on the Northern Route of the Western Regions. For more details on this state, see my commentary on the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳 B” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96B).

Since the time when Marquis Bowang 博望 had opened up the routes to the outer states and thereby gained honor and a high position, his officers and the attendants who had accompanied him vied with each other in submitting written reports describing the strange wonders, the advantages and dangers of the outer states, and in seeking to be sent there on missions. The Son of Heaven thought that because they were cut off by great distances, these were not places where people would go for pleasure; he believed what they said and gave them emblems of authority. Calling for officials and men to volunteer, and quite regardless of their origins, he provided [envoys] with large retinues, and sent them out in order to broaden the roads that had been opened to communication. On the outward and return journeys there could not fail to be cases where valuable goods were stolen or where the envoys ignored [imperial] instructions. As [the members of the missions] were well versed [in dealing with foreign states], the Son of Heaven always had the cases investigated and construed as being worthy of capital punishment, in this way goading the men to seek remission from punishment by offering to go out on further journeys. The means of serving as an envoy were thus unrestricted, and infringement of the laws was regarded as a light matter. Officials and conscripts in their turn always praised the possessions of the outer states fulsomely; those who described these in extravagant terms were given emblems of authority, and those who described them in lesser terms were made deputy envoys. As a result, those who spoke with abandon, or who lacked scruples all tried to outdo one another. The envoys, being mostly sons of poor families, all appropriated those officially owned goods that they carried, ^[172] wishing to sell them at a cheap price for their own private profit in outer states. The outer states in their turn detested the way in which the Han 漢 envoys each told a different tale. ^[173] Reckoning that Han 漢 troops were a long way off and would be unable to reach them, they banned the provision of supplies, so as to embarrass the Han 漢 envoys; and, short of supplies, the Han 漢 envoys grew querulous and angry, even to the point of coming to blows with each other.

Loulan 樓蘭 and Gushi 姑師, being small states and situated on the route, ^[174] showed particular violence in attacking and robbing Wang Hui 王恢 and other Han 漢 envoys; and the cavalry of the Xiongnu 匈奴 blocked their path or attacked envoys who went to the western states repeatedly. The envoys tried to outdo each other in describing the dangers of the outer states, which they said all possessed towns and settlements, and since their forces were weak they were vulnerable to attack. Thereupon the Son of Heaven sent [Zhao] Ponu [趙]破奴, Marquis Congpiao 從驃 (Follower of General Piaoji 驃騎, or General of Cavalry on the Alert), to take command of cavalry from the dependent states, ^[175] and men numbered by the tens of thousands from the prefectures toward the Xiong 匈 River, ^[176] wishing to attack the Hu 胡, who all made off. In the next year ^[177] [Han 漢] attacked Gushi 姑師; [Zhao] Ponu [趙]破奴 reached the destination first, with 700 light cavalry. Having captured the king of Loulan 樓蘭, he then defeated Gushi 姑師. He took the opportunity to stage a display of his military power so as to shock (states) like Wusun 烏孫 and Dayuan 大宛. ^[178] On his return, [Zhao] Ponu [趙]破奴 was invested with the title Marquis Zhuoye 浞野. ^[179] Wang Hui 王恢, who had on several occasions been harassed as an envoy by Loulan 樓蘭, had reported this to the Son of Heaven, who raised an army and ordered him to assist [Zhao] Ponu [趙]破奴 in attacking and defeating Loulan 樓蘭. For this, Wang Hui 王恢 was invested with the title Marquis Hao 浩, ^[180] and the line of posts and defences of Jiuquan 酒泉 reached as far as Yumen 玉門. ^[181]

[172] “All appropriated those officially owned goods that they carried”: According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), this statement meant that “they appropriated officially owned goods that they carried and used them themselves, treating them as their own possessions”.

[173] “The Han 漢 envoys each told a different tale”: Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) quotes Fu Qian 服虔: “The Han 漢 envoys, when they spoke in the outer states, each told a different story”.

[174] “Situated on the route” ( dang kongdao 當空道): “Kongdao 空道” (the route) is the same as “kongdao 孔道”, i.e., a way, or strategically important passageway.

[175] “Dependent states”: According to Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 111), “[Han 漢] relocated the people who had surrendered and settled them in five prefectures. While belonging to Han 漢, they practice their own indigenous customs. Hence they were termed ‘dependent states’”.

[176] “The Xiong 匈 River”: The present-day Baidaraq River in Mongolia.

[177] “In the next year”: The third year [108 BCE ] in the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period of Emperor Wu 武. However, it seems that Zhao Ponu 趙破奴, Marquis Congpiao 從驃, reached the Xiong 匈 River and attacked the Hu 胡 in the sixth year [111 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period. If so, the record in this text should not be accurate.

[178] Instead of “to stage a display of his military power so as to shock (states) like Wusun 烏孫 and Dayuan 大宛”, the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A) reads, “He took the opportunity to stage a display of his military power so as to shock (states) like Wusun 烏孫 and Dayuan 大宛”. ^[8]

[179] According to “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20), Zhao Ponu 趙破奴, “as a Major, again accompanied the General of Cavalry on the Alert in repeatedly penetrating Xiongnu 匈奴 territories, and captured two princes and generals of the cavalry, for which he was enfeoffed. He was enfeoffed again in the capacity of General of the Xiong 匈 River for his service when he led the expedition against Loulan 樓蘭 in the third year [108 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period”.

[180] According to the “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20), “[Wang Hui 王恢] as a former Leader of the Court Gentlemen, led the forces and arrested the king of Jushi 車師, for which he was enfeoffed. The day jiashen 甲申 in the first month of the fourth year [107 BCE ] denoted the beginning of the first year of Marquis [Hao 浩] Wang Hui 王恢”.

[181] “Yumen 玉門” here refers to the Yumen 玉門 Barrier, northwest of present-day Dunhuang 敦煌, Gansu 甘肅 Province.

The Wusun 烏孫 provided a marriage gift of 1,000 horses; upon which Han 漢 sent a daughter of royal clan, the princess of [King] Jiangdu 江都, ^[182] to wed [the Kunmo 昆莫 of] the Wusun 烏孫. ^[183] The king of the Wusun 烏孫, the Kunmo 昆莫, appointed her to be a Lady of the Right. The Xiongnu 匈奴 similarly sent a girl to be a wife for the Kunmo 昆莫, who appointed her to be a Lady of the Left. ^[184] The Kunmo 昆莫 said “I am old”, and he induced his grandson the Cenqu 岑娶 to marry the princess. The Wusun 烏孫 have numerous horses, and rich persons may own as many as four or five thousand animals.

[182] According to the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳 B” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96B), the name of the princess, daughter of [Liu] Jian [劉]建, King Jiangdu 江都, was Xijun 細君.

[183] The date when the princess of [King] Jiangdu 江都 wedded the Kunmo 昆莫 of Wusun 烏孫 is unknown, but the event should have occurred no later than the fourth year [107 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period.

[184] The fact that the Kunmo 昆莫 of Wusun 烏孫 married the Han 漢 princess shows that the Wusun 烏孫 no longer leaned towards the Xiongnu 匈奴. The Kunmo 昆莫 made the Xiongnu 匈奴 princess Lady of the Left, for the Xiongnu 匈奴 advocated the left, revealing that the accumulated prestige of the Xiongnu 匈奴 still existed. When the Xiongnu 匈奴 heard that Wusun 烏孫 was in contact with Han 漢, they grew angry and wished to attack. Yet after the king of Wusun 烏孫 had married the Han 漢 princess, the Xiongnu 匈奴 married their princess to the Kunmo 昆莫. It is clear that the Xiongnu 匈奴 lacked the strength to attack Wusun 烏孫, and that Wusun 烏孫 raised its own standing in the eyes of the Xiongnu 匈奴 by marrying the Han 漢 princess. According to the “Xiongnu Liezhuan 匈奴列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110), Han 漢“had also established relations with the Yuezhi 月氏 and Daxia 大夏 further west and had sent a princess to marry the king of the Wusun 烏孫, all in an effort to create a split between the Xiongnu 匈奴 and the states to the west which had up to this time aided and supported them”.

Previously, when the Han 漢 envoys had come to Anxi 安息, the king of Anxi 安息 ordered a general to take a force of 20,000 cavalry to greet them at the eastern border. ^[185] The eastern border is several thousand li 里 from the king’s capital. When in the course of a journey one is about to approach [the capital] one passes through towns which can be numbered in the tens in an area where densely populated settlements are uninterrupted. ^[186] When the Han 漢 envoys returned, [the king] took the occasion to send out [his own] envoys to come to Han 漢 in the company of the Han 漢 envoys so as to observe the great extent of Han 漢 territory. They took large birds’ eggs and conjurors from Lixuan 黎軒 as a present for the Han 漢 [Emperor]. ^[187] And the small states to the west of [Da]yuan [大]宛, namely Huanqian 驩潛 ^[188] and Dayi 大益, ^[189] and those to the east of [Da]yuan [大]宛, namely, Gushi 姑師, Wumi 扜罙, Suxie 蘇薤, ^[190] and others, followed the Han 漢 envoys with tribute and had audience with the Son of Heaven, who was highly pleased.

[185] The eastern border of Anxi 安息 was located east of present-day Merv.

[186] The mission of Zhang Qian’s 張騫 deputy envoy must have been the first one to Anxi 安息 from the Western Han 漢. The text records the situation when the Han 漢 envoy first arrived at Anxi 安息. Zhang Qian’s 張騫 mission to Wusun 烏孫 occurred early in the Yuanding 元鼎 reign period [116 BCE ], and this deputy envoy must have reached Anxi 安息 in the first or second year [116 or 115 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign period. At the time, Mithridates II’s [124/123-87 BCE ] fight against the Sakās was close to victory and his army was gathered on the eastern border, a convenient occasion to greet the Han 漢 envoy with a force of 20,000 cavalry.

[187] “When the Han 漢 envoys returned, [the king] took the occasion to send out [his own] envoys to come to Han 漢 in company with the Han 漢 envoys so as to observe the great extent of Han 漢 territory. They took large birds’ eggs and conjurors from Lixuan 黎軒 as a present for the Han 漢 [Emperor]”: This text was altered inappropriately in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), and changed as follows: “In these circumstances Dayuan 大宛 and other states sent envoys to follow after the Han 漢 envoys. They came to court and observed the extent of Han 漢, and submitted a present of large birds’ eggs and conjurors from Liqian 犛靬”. If we did not know that the large birds’ eggs and conjurors were the presents offered by the Anxi 安息 envoy, we would not be in a position to know that Anxi 安息 was included among “Dayuan 大宛 and other states”. The large birds’ eggs were originally products of Tiaozhi 條枝.

[188] “Huanqian 驩潛” was an oasis state located in the lower valley of the Amu Darya. “Huanqian 驩潛” [xuan-dziəm] should be the transcription of Uvārazmīy in the Behistun inscription of Darius I [521-486 BCE ] of Achaemenian Persia.

[189] “Dayi 大益” was a state located probably on the southeastern shore of the Caspian Sea. “Dayi 大益” [dat-jiek] is generally regarded as the transcription of Dahā in the Persepolis inscription of Xerses I [486-465 BCE ] of Achaemenian Persia.

[190] “Suxie 蘇薤” here refers to Kešš, the hub of activities in Sogdiana. “Suxie 蘇薤” [sa-xat] could be a transcription of Soghd. If so, then “to the east of [Da]yuan [大]宛” in the text might be wrong, for it should be to the west of Dayuan 大宛.

Moreover, Han 漢 envoys penetrated to the source of the [Yellow] River; which arose in Yutian 于 . There is considerable jade stone ^[191] in the mountains there, and they collected it and came [back to Han 漢]. The Son of Heaven consulted ancient maps and books and named the hills where the [Yellow] River originates the “Kunlun 崑崙”. ^[192]

[191] This is the earliest text mentioning the jade of Yutian 于 .

[192] “Kunlun 崑崙” was the present-day Kunlun 崑崙 Mountains. It is at this time that the southern mountain of Yutian 于 was first called Mount Kunlun 崑崙. According to the “Shidi 釋地” chapter of Erya 爾雅, “Among the best things in the northwest are the qiulin 璆琳 (a kind of beautiful jade) or langgan 琅玕 (a kind of white carnelian) in the Kunlun 崐崘 Hills”.

At this time the Emperor was frequently progressing on tours of inspection or visiting the coast, and from now on he was always accompanied by visitors from the outer states. If there were great towns with a large number of inhabitants, he distributed wealth and silks when he passed through, granting generous bounties and providing ample supplies, so as to show off the wealth and plenty of Han 漢. Wrestling matches ^[193] [were held], strange performers and many types of wonderful goods were brought out, and many persons [who] assembled to watch. There were bestowals of gifts with wine set out [sufficient to fill a] lake and meats [in plenty like] a forest; and the visitors from the outer states were taken on visits to see the stocks accumulated in the famous granaries and stores, so as to demonstrate the great extent of Han 漢 and to overawe them. The acts of the conjurors were put on and each year additions and changes were made in the wrestling matches and the strange performances; their heightened magnificence dates from these times. ^[194]

[193] “Wrestling matches”: Matches of strength and skill in fighting and the like.

[194] Here Emperor Wu 武 fulfilled two purposes at once: not only showing off to “the visitors from the outer states” the wealth and plenitude of Han 漢, but also letting the “many persons [who] assembled to watch” know that the power and prestige of the Son of Heaven could reach all the area within the Four Seas.

Envoys from the outer states of the northwest were coming and going one after the other. [Da]yuan [大]宛 and the states to the west all relied on their remote situation and retained an air of arrogance and calm; they could not be won over by a sense of suitable conduct nor managed by the establishment of ties. ^[195] [The area] west of Wusun 烏孫 as far as Anxi 安息 is close to the Xiongnu 匈奴. The Xiongnu 匈奴 had once harassed the Yuezhi 月氏; consequently when a Xiongnu 匈奴 envoy carrying a token of credence from the Chanyu 單于 ^[196] reaches one of the states, the states en route provide a relay service of escorts and food, and do not dare to detain or harm the envoy. When the case of Han 漢 envoys arises, if they do not bring out valuables they do not get any food, and if they do not buy horses they have no means of traveling on horseback. The reason for this state of affairs is that Han 漢 has been regarded as being distant. However, Han 漢 possesses many valuable goods, and consequently purchasing has been necessary to acquire what is required; indeed they were more afraid of the Xiongnu 匈奴 than of the Han 漢 envoys. ^[197]

[195] “They could not be won over by a sense of suitable conduct nor managed by the establishment of ties” ( wei ke qu yi li jimi er shi ye 未可詘以禮羈縻而使也): Shiji suoyin 史記索隱 (ch. 117): “Ji 羈, bridle for horses; mi 縻, reins for oxen. According to Han guanyi 漢官儀, ‘Horses are bridled (ji 羈); oxen are reined (mi 縻). Barbarians from all directions are controlled in the same way that horses and oxen are haltered and reined’”.

[196] “Carrying a token of credence from the Chanyu 單于” ( chi Chanyu yi xin 持單于一信): “Xin 信” was the token of trust or credence, credentials.

[197] Because the states west of Wusun 烏孫 were distant from Han 漢 and were controlled by the Xiongnu 匈奴, the Han 漢 envoys naturally were not accorded a courteous reception. For the Han 漢 envoys, “consequently purchasing has been necessary to acquire what is required”: this highlights the commercial traditions of these states. It’s worth noting that Wusun 烏孫, a nomadic state, was included in the these states.

In [Da]yuan [大]宛 and to its left and right [i.e., east and west] grapes are used to make wine. Rich people store up to 10,000 shi 石 or more, and in case when it is kept for a long period it may last for several decades without being spoilt. The general custom is to enjoy wine; and the horses enjoy muxu 苜蓿. ^[198] The Han 漢 envoys collected their seeds and came back. The Son of Heaven thereupon first planted lucerne and grapes on rich tracts of ground. [The Son of Heaven,] considering that the Heavenly Horses were many and that the envoys who came from the outer states were also numerous, had extensive tracts of putao 蒲萄 (grapes) and lucerne planted near all the detached palaces and the temporary lodges, as far as the eye could see. To the west of the state of the Dayuan 大宛 and as far as the state of Anxi 安息 ^[199] there are many different languages spoken, but their customs are in general very similar and their languages mutually intelligible. The inhabitants of the area all have deep-set eyes, and many wear moustaches and beards. They are expert traders, haggling over fractions of a zhu 銖 [a unit of weight]. ^[200] They hold the women in honor, and what the women say the men act upon. Their land has [no] silk or lac trees, and [the people] do not know how to cast coins and utensils. ^[201] When conscripts who had deserted from the Han 漢 missions surrendered, they taught [the inhabitants] how to cast and manufacture weapons and utensils other than [those which they had]. Whenever they acquire Han 漢 gold or silver they make utensils with [the metal] and do not use it as currency.

[198] “Muxu 苜蓿” (lucerne), originally buksuk, buxsux, or buxsuk in Iranian.

[199] This is what Zhang Qian 張騫 reported to Emperor Wu 武 after his first mission to the west, with an emphasis on the area west of Congling 葱嶺 Mountains (the Pamirs), specifically west of Dayuan 大宛. This is why he used Dayuan 大宛 as a standard when discussing the languages and ethnicities of this area. In his first mission, the states which he had reached personally or heard tell of were ten in number: Dayuan 大宛, Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, Kangju 康居, Wusun 烏孫, Yancai 奄蔡, Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒. Of them, with the exception of Wusun 烏孫 which lay “northeast of Dayuan 大宛”, all were west of Dayuan 大宛: “The Da Yuezhi 大月氏 are ... west of Dayuan 大宛”; “Daxia 大夏 is ... southwest of Dayuan 大宛”; “Kangju 康居 is ... northwest of Dayuan 大宛”; “Yancai 奄蔡 is ... northwest of Kangju 康居”; “Anxi 安息 is ... west of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏”; “Tiaozhi 條枝 is ... west of Anxi 安息”; “Shendu 身毒 lies ... to the southeast of Daxia 大夏”; and, Lixuan 黎軒 is “north of Anxi 安息”. Lixuan 黎軒 can, in fact, also be described as being west of Anxi 安息.

The text above specifies the ethnicities and languages of eight states: Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, Kangju 康居, Yancai 奄蔡, Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒. Of them, Zhang Qian 張騫 had personally reached three states: Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, and Kangju 康居; Zhang Qian’s 張騫 report about them should be particularly reliable. Among the states that Zhang Qian 張騫 had heard tell of, the ethnic identity and languages of Anxi 安息, Tiaozhi 條枝, Lixuan 黎軒, and Shendu 身毒 are clear. From this, we can at least infer that the people of Da Yuezhi 大月氏, Daxia 大夏, Kangju 康居, and Yancai 奄蔡 were West-Eurasianoid, and their languages were Indo-European, although they may not necessarily belong to the same branch.

The text states, “Originally, the Yuezhi 月氏 had dwelt between Dunhuang 敦煌 and Qilian 祁連, but when they were beaten by the Xiongnu 匈奴, the Yuezhi 月氏 thereupon went far away, passing Dayuan 大宛 and proceeding west to attack and subjugate Daxia 大夏. The capital was established north of the Gui 嬀 River to house the royal court”. As demonstrated above, Dunhuang 敦煌 and Qilian 祁連 refer to the present-day Tianshan 天山 and Qilian 祁連 Mountains. That is to say, should our inference concerning the ethnic and linguistic identity of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏 be correct, the area between the Hexi 河西 region and Dzungharia was under the direct control of a nomadic tribe where the main constituents had physical features of West-Eurasianoid people before the Yuezhi 月氏 had been defeated by the Xiongnu 匈奴 and had moved west in 177/176 BCE .

[200] This indicates that the states west of Congling 葱嶺 Mountains stressed commerce as early as Zhang Qian’s 張騫 first mission to the west.

[201] “To cast coins and utensils” ( zhu qianqi 鑄錢器): The “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A) reads “to cast iron utensils” ( zhu tieqi 鑄鐵器). Other scholars believe that the text here should be followed; “qianqi 錢器” here means both coins and utensils, which can be corroborated by the statement about Jibin 罽賓 in the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳 A” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A): “There is gold, silver, copper, and tin with which they make utensils, and they have markets with stalls. They use gold and silver to make coins”. ^[9] If this were true, it would contradict the following text: “Whenever they acquire Han 漢 gold or silver they make utensils with [the metal] and do not use it as currency”. Thus, “qianqi 錢器” is most likely an error for “tieqi 鐵器”. Since metallurgy was invented by the Chinese and gradually spread westward, it is likely that the states west of Congling 葱嶺 Mountains did not know how to cast iron at this time.

Once a large number of Han 漢 envoys had made the journey, junior members ^[202] of the missions were generally introduced to the Son of Heaven and became familiar with him. ^[203] They said: “[Da]yuan [大]宛 has fine horses which are kept in the town of Ershi 貳師 ^[204] and the inhabitants conceal them and are unwilling to give them to Han 漢 envoys”. As the Son of Heaven already had a fondness for the horses of [Da]yuan [大]宛, he heard this news with pleasure, and he sent a party of men of valor, including Che Ling 車令, to take 1,000 pieces of gold and a golden horse with which to request [in exchange] the fine horses in the town of Ershi 貳師 from the king of [Da]yuan [大]宛. The state of [Da]yuan [大]宛 had a rich supply of Han 漢 goods, and [the leaders] took counsel together as follows: “Han 漢 is a long distance away from us, and fatal accidents have occurred frequently at the Yan 鹽 Water. ^[205] If travellers evade it to the north, they will be subject to raids by the Hu 胡 brigands; if they do so to the south, they will be short of water and pastures; in addition they will everywhere be cut off from human settlement, ^[206] and those who lack food will be many. Han 漢 sends out several hundred men to form an embassy to come here; they are always short of food, and deaths account for over half of them. In these circumstances, how can Han 漢 send a large army here? What harm can they do to us? Moreover, the horses in the town of Ershi 貳師 ^[207] are [Da]yuan’s [大]宛 treasured horses”. So they refused to give [the horses] to the Han 漢 envoys who spoke in anger and without restraint, and went away after smashing the golden horse. The noblemen of [Da]yuan [大]宛 were furious and said: “The Han 漢 envoys have belittled us extremely”. They sent the Han 漢 envoys off and ordered [the king of] Yucheng 郁成, ^[208] on their eastern side, to block the way, to attack and kill the Han 漢 envoys, and to seize their wealth and goods. ^[209] Upon hearing this the Son of Heaven was furious. ^[210]

[202] “Junior members” ( shaocong 少從): According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “In Han 漢 times the assistants to the envoys to the outer states were called ‘shaocong 少從’, meaning generally that they were young and assisted the envoys”.

[203] “Became familiar with him” ( jinshu 進熟): For “jinshu 進熟”, another interpretation is “to be presented [to the Emperor] and to become familiar with [him]”. ^[10]

[204] “The town of Ershi 貳師”: One of the towns in the state of Dayuan 大宛, which was located in present-day Ura-tübe, famous for its horses — the Nesaean horses.

[205] “Yan 鹽 Water” (hereafter the Salt Water): Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123) quotes Kong Wenxiang 孔文祥: “It is simply the Salt Marsh (Lop Nor)”. In the parallel passage in Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A), “westward … to the Salt Water” was changed to “westward … to the Salt Marsh”. Some scholars believe that the Salt Water corresponds approximately to the present-day Kuruk Darya west of Yingpan 營盤 and the Konche Darya east of Yingpan 營盤. In my opinion, the “fatal accidents have occurred frequently at the Yan 鹽 Water” could not mean, it seems, that Han 漢 was defeated in the Salt Marsh, but rather that the attempts of Han’s 漢 envoys to reach the west via Salt Water (the valleys of the Kuruk Darya and the Konche Darya) had failed repeatedly, if we consider the statement in conjunction with the previous sentence, viz., “Han 漢 is a long distance away from us”. To sum up, it is contextually more appropriate to understand the “Salt Water” to be the Kuruk Darya and the Konche Darya.

[206] “Cut off from human settlement”: According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “It means that in the vicinity of the roads there are no human settlements”.

[207] “Horses in the town of Ershi 貳師” (Nesaean horses): A breed of fine horses in ancient times. They are first mentioned in the History of Herodotus: “They are called Nesaean after the great plain in Media that produces the big horses”. (VII, 40) There were a number of places called Nisa or Nisaya, which produced fine horses, mostly on both banks of the Amu Darya, from southwest of Media through Khorasan to Ferghāna. Thus it can be seen that the town of Ershi 貳師 was also one place which produced the Nesaean horses.

[208] “Yucheng 郁成” was one of the vassal towns of Dayuan 大宛, located in present-day Ush (although it could also be Uzgent). “Yucheng 郁成” [iuək-zjieng] is possibly a transcription of Gasiani.

[209] It does not seem that Dayuan 大宛 killed Che Ling 車令 simply to rob him of his belongings. According to Emperor Wu’s 武 edict recorded in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “Weixu 危須 and [the states to the] west as far as Dayuan 大宛 made a compact, killing Che Ling 車令, the Gate Guardsman, Chao 朝, the Leader of the Court Gentlemen, as well as the envoys of the state of Shendu 身毒, and severing the route that leads from east to west”. From this, it can be seen that the aim of Dayuan 大宛 was to block the route from the Western Han 漢 to the west, very possibly under the instigation of the Xiongnu 匈奴. Since Emperor Wu 武 was determined to deal with the Western Regions, he had allied with the state of Wusun 烏孫 through marriage after the battles of Loulan 樓蘭 and Gushi 姑師; thus Dayuan 大宛 was naturally next in turn.

[210] Han’s 漢 attack on Dayuan 大宛 came about because Emperor Wu 武“had a fondness for the horses of [Da]yuan [大]宛”. The Han 漢 envoys requested the horses, but failed to obtain them, and were killed; this was the incident that led to the war. As is recorded in the “Su Wu zhuan 蘇武傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 54), “The Southern Yue 越 had killed the Han 漢 envoys, so they were conquered and returned into the nine prefectures. The king of [Da]yuan [大]宛 had killed the Han 漢 envoys, so his head was hung on the Northern Palace Gate. Chaoxian 朝鮮 had killed the Han 漢 envoys, so soon met with destruction”. Obviously, Emperor Wu 武 took it to be a most blatant insult; he was unable to tolerate it even for one moment.

Of those who had previously been sent on missions to [Da]yuan [大]宛, Yao Dinghan 姚定漢 and others said: “The troops of [Da]yuan [大]宛 are weak. If they were to be exposed to the shooting of no more than 3,000 [Han 漢] heavy bowmen, [Da]yuan [大]宛 would be defeated and captured completely”. The Son of Heaven had previously sent Marquis Zhuoye 浞野 to attack Loulan 樓蘭; he had reached the town first with 700 cavalry and captured its king. For this reason [the Son of Heaven] believed [Yao] Dinghan [姚]定漢 and his colleagues and, wishing to bestow marquis rank on the family of his favourite concubine Li 李, he appointed Li Guangli 李 利 to be General Ershi 貳師 [with orders] to call out a force of 6,000 cavalry from the dependent states and some tens of thousands of ill-disciplined young men ^[211] from the prefectures and kingdoms, and to set out on his way to attack [Da]yuan [大]宛. As it was intended that he should reach the town of Ershi 貳師 and take possession of its fine horses, he was given the title “General Ershi 貳師”. Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 was appointed Army Controller. Wang Hui 王恢, who had previously been Marquis Hao 浩, ^[212] was sent to guide the army. Li Chi 李哆 was appointed Colonel to control military affairs. ^[213] This happened in the first year of the Taichu 太初 reign-period. ^[214] Then great swarms of locusts arose to the east of the [Tong 潼] Barrier and traveled west as far as Dunhuang 敦煌. ^[215]

[211] “Ill-disciplined young men”: According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), they “lack moral intergrity and a sense of righteousness”.

[212] “Wang Hui 王恢, who had previously been Marquis Hao 浩”: According to the “Jianyuan yilai houzhe nianbiao 建元以來侯者年表” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 20), “In the fourth month of the fourth year [107 BCE ] [of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period], Marquis [Hao 浩] Wang Hui 王恢, acting as a commissioner to Jiuquan 酒泉, committed the offense of forging the Emperor’s edict, which caused harm. He was deemed worthy of death by beheading, but he redeemed himself from punishment by degradation to commoner’s status, with his title stripped. His marquisate lasted for [only] three months”.

[213] For “Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 was appointed Army Controller. Wang Hui 王恢, who had previously been Marquis Hao 浩, was sent to guide the army. Li Chi 李哆 was appointed Colonel to control military affairs”, the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) only reads, “Wang Hui 王恢, who had previously been Marquis Hao 皓, was sent to guide the army”.

[214] General Ershi 貳師 set out in the autumn of the first year [104 BCE ] of Taichu 太初 reign-period. ^[11]

[215] The “Fengshan shu 封禪書” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 28) states: “This year the armies marched west to attack Dayuan 大宛. Swarms of locusts appeared. Ding Furen 丁夫人, Yu Chu 虞初 of Luoyang 雒陽, and others used their magical arts and sacrifices to put a curse on the leaders of the Xiongnu 匈奴 and Dayuan 大宛”. Dunhuang 敦煌 here refers to Dunhuang 敦煌 Prefecture, established in the sixth year [111 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period, one of the four prefectures in the Hexi 河西 region (Gansu 甘肅 Corridor).

When General Ershi 貳師 marched west and passed the Salt Water, ^[216] the small states that were situated on the route were all alarmed; they strengthened their walls in self-defense, and were not willing to provide supplies. When he attacked he was unable to reduce them; from those that he did reduce he obtained food, and from those that he did not reduce he withdrew after several days. ^[217] By the time that he drew near Yucheng 郁成, his force amounted to several thousand troops, all starving and worn out. He attacked [the town of] Yucheng 郁成, but Yucheng 郁成 utterly routed them, and a large number were killed or wounded. General Ershi 貳師 consulted with [Li] Chi [李]哆 and [Zhao] Shicheng [趙]始成: “Since we could not take the place when we reached Yucheng 郁成, our failure would be even more certain were we to reach the royal capital”. He thereupon withdrew with his forces. The journey to Dayuan 大宛 and back took two years. When the army reached Dunhuang 敦煌, only one to two tenths of his troops remained. ^[218] He sent a messenger [to the Emperor] with a written report, saying: “The road is long and there have been many shortages of food; and, while not being afraid of battle, the men are afraid of hunger. As the men are few in number and are insufficient to take [Da]yuan [大]宛, I would suggest that the force should be temporarily disbanded, and that when reinforcements are called out I should set out again”. The Son of Heaven was furious when he was informed of this. He sent commissioners to have the Yumen 玉門 ^[219] closed and to proclaim that any soldier who dared to make his way in would be beheaded. General Ershi 貳師 was afraid, and consequently lay encamped at Dunhuang 敦煌. ^[220]

[216] “General Ershi 貳師 marched west and passed the Salt Water”: The army commanded by Li Guangli 李 利 marched westward across the Kuruk Darya or the Konche Darya.

[217] This shows that the walled towns of the oasis states were not so vulnerable as to be unable to withstand one assault. The text records the reports of Han 漢 envoys: “all possessed towns and settlements, and since their forces were weak they were vulnerable to attack”. Their predictions were not completely accurate.

[218] This occurred in the transition from autumn to winter in the second year [103 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period.

[219] “Yumen 玉門” here refers to the Yumen 玉門 Barrier. The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “Yumen 玉門 Barrier”.

[220] One reason why General Ershi 貳師 was defeated in his first attack on Dayuan 大宛 was his underestimation of the enemy. Another reason was the difficulty in obtaining supplies on the way.

That summer Han 漢 lost over 20,000 men under the command of [Marquis] Zhuoye 浞野 to the Xiongnu 匈奴, ^[221] and those senior ministers and consultants all wished to disband the army [that had been sent against] [Da]yuan [大]宛 and to concentrate efforts in an attack on the Hu 胡. The Son of Heaven had already sent out forces to punish [Da]yuan [大]宛; [he reckoned that] this was a small state, and that if Han 漢 was unable to reduce it, states such as Daxia 大夏 would gradually come to despise Han 漢; the [supply of] fine horses of [Da]yuan [大]宛 would be cut off and would not reach Han 漢; Wusun 烏孫 and Luntou 侖頭 ^[222] would easily harass Han 漢 envoys; and he would become a laughing stock among the outer states. He then brought up a case against Deng Guang 鄧光 and those others who had declared that an expedition against [Da]yuan [大]宛 would be most impractical. Granting an amnesty to incarcerated convicts and [levying] foot soldiers, ^[223] he called out a further force of ill-disciplined young men and cavalry from the border. ^[224] After about a year, 60,000 men set out from Dunhuang 敦煌, exclusive of followers carrying personal [goods]. ^[225] There were 100,000 head of cattle, more than 30,000 horses and asses, and camels by the tens of thousands. Food was sent out in even larger quantities, and weapons and cross-bows were in full supply. The whole world was in turmoil; all-in-all there were over fifty colonels serving in the army in succession in the campaign against [Da]yuan [大]宛. ^[226] Inside the town of the king of [Da]yuan [大]宛 there were no wells, and [the inhabitants] drew [what they needed] from water that flowed outside the walls. So he dispatched water workers to divert the course of the river that lay at the foot of the walls, in order to hollow out the walls. ^[227]
In addition he called out a force of 180,000 conscripts engaged on garrison [and agricultural] duties, ^[228] and Juyan 居延 and Xiutu 休屠 were founded to the north of Jiuquan 酒泉 and Zhangye 張掖 ^[229] [Prefectures] in order to protect Jiuquan 酒泉. ^[230] The seven classes of reprobated persons ^[231] were called out to load stores to supply transport for [General] Ershi 貳師, and there was a continuous stream of [free] men and convicts as far as Dunhuang 敦煌. And two persons who were horse trainers were appointed colonels for the management and training [of horses] ^[232] to prepare for the selection of fine horses when [Da]yuan [大]宛 would be conquered.

[221] This event occurred in the summer of the second year [103 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period; see the “Xiongnu liezhuan 匈奴列傳” of Shiji 史記 (ch. 110).

[222] “Luntou 侖頭”: Its site is probably located near present-day Köyükĉin. It may also be in the vicinity of Bügür. For “Luntou 侖頭” [liuən-do], the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “Luntai 輪臺” [liuən-də]. Luntou 侖頭, Luntai 輪臺, as well as Loulan 樓蘭, should be variations in the transcription of the same name.

[223] “Granting an amnesty to incarcerated convicts and [levying] foot soldiers” ( she qiutu caiguan 赦囚徒材官): “Caiguan 材官”, foot soldiers (reservists). The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “granting an amnesty to incarcerated convicts [so that they could be used to] ward off the raiders

[224] “Cavalry from the border” refers to cavalry in the prefectures in border.

[225] “Exclusive of followers carrying personal [goods]”: They are not counted as among the 60,000 men who set out from Dunhuang 敦煌. ^[12]

[226] The event occurred in the autumn of the third year [102 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period.

[227] “So he dispatched water workers to divert the course of the river that lay at the foot of the walls, in order to hollow out the walls” ( nai qian shuigong xi qi chengxia shui kong yi kong qi cheng 乃遣水工徙其城下水空以空其城): The “shui kong 水空” here refers to the course of the river. The text reading “ yi kong qi cheng 以空其城” occurs as “ yi xue qi cheng 以穴其城” in the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61). The “xue 穴” here is a corruption of “kong 空”. “To divert the course of the river that lay at the foot of the walls” has the same meaning as “cut off and diverted the source of its water” in the text below. ^[13]

[228] “Conscripts engaged on garrison [and agricultural] duties (shu jia 戍甲)”: Some scholars think that “jia 甲” is a corruption of “tian 田”. The term “shu tian zu 戍田卒” appears frequently on the inscribed wooden slips of Han 漢.

[229] “Zhangye 張掖” Prefecture was established in the sixth year [111 BCE ] of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period, and it was one of the four prefectures of the Hexi 河西 region.

[230] “Juyan 居延 and Xiutu 休屠 were founded to the north of Jiuquan 酒泉 and Zhangye 張掖 [Prefectures] in order to protect Jiuquan 酒泉”: Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) quotes Ru Chun 如淳, “Two counties were established to provide protection for the border. Others think that it refers to the establishment of two Commandants”. ^[14]

[231] “The seven classes of reprobated persons”: Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 123) quotes Zhang Yan 張晏: the term refers to “petty officials who had committed crimes, fugitives, adopted sons-in-law, resident merchants, those formerly registered as merchants, those whose fathers or mothers had been registered as merchants, and those whose grandfathers or grandmothers had been registered as merchants”.

[232] “And two persons who were horse trainers were appointed colonels for the management and training [of horses]” ( bai xi-mazhe erren wei Zhi-Qu xiaowei 拜習馬者二人爲執驅校尉): According to Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61), “xi 習 is the same as bian 便 (meaning ‘familiar with’). One was the colonel for the management of horses; the other, the colonel for the training of horses”.

So, when [General] Ershi 貳師 subsequently set out on the second march, his forces were numerous, and none of the small states which he reached failed to meet him and bring out supplies for the army. When he reached Luntou 侖頭, it did not surrender but after several days’ attack he butchered [its inhabitants]. The area from here westwards was now pacified, and when the expedition reached the town of [Da]yuan [大]宛, ^[233] the Han 漢 force that arrived there was 30,000.

The troops of [Da]yuan [大]宛 met and attacked the Han 漢 forces, who defeated them thanks to their archery, and the forces of [Da]yuan [大]宛 fled to seek protection and mounted the town walls. [General] Ershi 貳師 wished to attack Yucheng 郁成, but he was afraid that if he delayed his advance he would allow [Da]yuan [大]宛 to resort to more deception. He then marched first to [Da]yuan [大]宛, and cut off and diverted the source of its water. As a result [Da]yuan [大]宛 was in serious difficulties. Besieging the town, he attacked it for over forty days. The outer fortifications had been destroyed and Jianmi 煎靡, a general of valor who was a nobleman of [Da]yuan [大]宛, was taken prisoner. In [Da]yuan [大]宛 men panicked and fled into the inner fortifications.

Taking counsel with each other the noblemen of [Da]yuan [大]宛 said: “The reason why Han 漢 has attacked [Da]yuan [大]宛 is because Wugua 毋寡, the king, concealed the fine horses and killed Han 漢 envoys. If we now kill Wugua 毋寡, the king, and bring out the fine horses, the Han 漢 troops will lift the siege; and if they do not, it will not be too late to fight out the issue in a battle to the death”. The noblemen of [Da]yuan [大]宛 all agreed to this, and together killed Wugua 毋寡, the king. They then took his head, and sent a nobleman to offer an agreement to [General] Ershi 貳師 in the following terms: “If Han 漢 will not attack us, we will bring out all the fine horses; Han 漢 may choose what it likes, and we will supply the Han 漢 army with provisions. If Han 漢 does not listen to us, we will kill all the fine horses. Moreover, relief from Kangju 康居 is about to arrive; and when it does reach us, we will engage the Han 漢 army, ourselves from inside and Kangju 康居 from outside [the town]. Let the Han 漢 army think this over carefully. What course of action will you follow”? At this time Kangju 康居 kept watch over the Han 漢 troops, and, the latter being in high fettle, did not dare to advance.

[General] Ershi 貳師 consulted with Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 and Li Chi 李哆. They heard that inside the town the population had recently acquired men of Qin 秦 ^[234] who knew how to dig wells, and that there was still plenty of food in the town. He reckoned that the principal malefactor whom he had come to punish was Wugua 毋寡, whose head had already reached him. If in these circumstances he did not agree to raise the siege, the town would defend itself obstinately; Kangju 康居 would wait for the Han 漢 troops to weaken and would then come to the relief [of the town], and the defeat of the Han 漢 army would be certain. The officers of the army all concurred with this view and gave their consent to the agreement with [Da]yuan [大]宛. [Da]yuan [大]宛 thereupon brought out its fine horses, letting the Han 漢 [officers] take their pick, and providing an ample supply of food to feed the Han 漢 army. The Han 漢 army selected some of the best horses, numbered by the tens, and over 3,000 stallions and mares of the medium grades and below; and they established as king of [Da]yuan [大]宛 one of the [Da]yuan [大]宛 noblemen who had treated the Han 漢 envoys excellently in the past, by the name of Meicai 昧蔡. They made a solemn treaty with him and disbanded their troops. In the end they were unable to make their way inside the inner fortifications; so, disbanding their forces, they returned. ^[235]

[233] “The town of [Da]yuan [大]宛”: Here it refers to the capital of Dayuan 大宛, not the town of Ershi 貳師. The latter was west of the former.

[234] “Men of Qin 秦”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads “men of Han 漢”. It is generally believed to be the term which the people in the Western Regions used to refer to the men of the Central Plains, taking the name from the Qin 秦 dynasty that preceded the Han 漢.

[235] The event occurred in the third year [102 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period. Prior to this, Li Guangli 李 利 had sent a general to breach Yucheng 郁成 and pursue and kill its king.

When [General] Ershi 貳師 initially set out westwards from Dunhuang 敦煌, owing to the large number of his men, the states along the route were unable to supply food; he divided his forces into several units, who were to make their way by the Southern and Northern Routes. ^[236] The Colonel Wang Shensheng 王申生 and Hu Chongguo 壺充國, the former Superintendent of State Visits, reached the town of Yucheng 郁成 separately with over 1,000 men. The town of Yucheng 郁成 defended itself and was unwilling to provide food to their army. Wang Shensheng 王申生 was located at a distance of 200 li 里 from the main army. He relied [on this] and, underestimating [the enemy], upbraided the people of Yucheng 郁成. Yucheng 郁成 persisted in refusing to issue provisions and, observing that [Wang] Shensheng’s [王]申生 army was becoming reduced in numbers day by day, attacked it at dawn with 3,000 men, killing [Wang] Shensheng [王]申生 and others and routed his army. Some of the men escaped and fled to [General] Ershi 貳師, who ordered Shangguan Jie 上官桀, the Commandant for the Collection of Grain, to set out on the offensive and defeat Yucheng 郁成. The king of Yucheng 郁成 fled to Kangju 康居, and [Shangguan] Jie [上官]桀 pursued him there. When Kangju 康居 heard that Han 漢 had defeated [Da]yuan [大]宛, they brought out the king of Yucheng 郁成 and made him over to [Shangguan] Jie [上官]桀, who ordered four cavalrymen to put him in bonds and take him under guard to the Supreme General. ^[237] The four men said to one another: “The king of Yucheng 郁成 has been an object of Han’s 漢 hatred, and the king is now being taken there alive; [if he makes a getaway] it will be a serious matter”. They wished to kill him, but none of them dared to strike the first blow. [Then] a cavalryman of Shanggui 上邽 [Prefecture] ^[238]
Zhao Di 趙弟, the youngest among them, drew his sword and beheaded the king of Yucheng 郁成. With the king’s head, [Zhao] Di [趙]弟, [Shangguan] Jie [上官]桀 and his colleagues then caught up with the Supreme General.

[236] “The Southern and Northern Routes”: The Northern Route taken by Li Guangli 李 利 in his expedition against Dayuan 大宛 wound its way to the west from the Yumen 玉門 or the Yang 陽 Barrier, passing, via Bailongdui 白龍堆 (White Dragon Mounds), the area of what is now the ruined site of Loulan 樓蘭 northwest of Lop Nor, and stretching further west along the Konche Darya. The Northern Route had existed during the reign of Emperor Wu 武 and was Han’s 漢 main route to the Western Regions, especially to the various states on the route. It does not refer only to the route taken by Li Guangli 李 利 in his expedition against Dayuan 大宛. The Western Han 漢 had established an officer to set up agricultural colonies in order to keep this route unobstructed.

[237] “The Supreme General” refers to Li Guangli 李 利. Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Ru Chun 如淳: “There were many generals then; so Ershi 貳師 was called the Supreme General”.

[238] “Shanggui 上邽” was a county in Longxi 隴西 Prefecture; its seat of government was in present-day Tianshui 天水, Gansu 甘肅 Province.

When [General] Ershi 貳師 had set out on his later journey, the Son of Heaven sent messengers to notify Wusun 烏孫 that it should call out large forces for a joint attack on [Da]yuan [大]宛. Wusun 烏孫 dispatched 2,000 cavalry to go there, but was unwilling to alienate either party, ^[239] and would not advance. When General Ershi 貳師 marched east, all the small states which he traversed had heard of the defeat of [Da]yuan [大]宛. They sent their [king’s] sons or younger brothers to follow the army in order to present tribute, and they were to be received by the Son of Heaven and become hostages. ^[240]

In the campaign under General Ershi 貳師 against [Da]yuan [大]宛, Zhao Shicheng 趙始成, the Army Controller, fought hard; his achievements were the most numerous, while Shangguan Jie 上官桀 dared to penetrate deeply [into the enemy], and Li Chi 李哆 made plans and stratagems. When the army returned, those who entered the Yumen 玉門 Barrier numbered over 10,000 men, with more than 1,000 army horses. On the later expedition of General Ershi 貳師 there was no shortage of supplies, and those who fell in battle were not very many. But the generals and officers were avaricious; they gave no thought for the conscripts, and oppressed or robbed them, and for this reason deaths were numerous.

In view of the long distance over which the campaign had been fought, the Son of Heaven took no notice of their faults ^[241] and created Li Guangli 李 利 Marquis Haixi 海西. ^[242] Further, he gave the title Marquis Xinshi 新畤 to Zhao Di 趙弟, ^[243] the horseman who had beheaded the king of Yucheng 郁成; the Army Controller Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 was honored by being created a Grand Master for Splendid Happiness; Shangguan Jie 上官桀 was appointed Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury; and, Li Chi 李哆 was appointed Administrator of Shangdang 上黨 [Prefecture]. ^[244] Of the officials of the army, three men obtained positions among the nine ministers of state; over a hundred became stewards of nobles, governors or officials of prime rank; and over a thousand were appointed to be officials of the lower ranks. Those who went on the campaign [to satisfy their own] enthusiasm [were given] offices which exceeded their hopes; those who went as reprobates had their misdemeanours expunged in place of a hardship allowance. ^[245] Rewards to the value of 40,000 [units of gold] were bestowed on soldiers and conscripts. The two campaigns against Yuan lasted altogether four years for the outward and return journeys before the forces could be disbanded. ^[246]

[239] “[Wusun 烏孫] was unwilling to alienate either party, and would not advance”: The marriage between the Han 漢 princess and the Kunmo 昆莫 of Wusun 烏孫 does not mean that the alliance against the Xiongnu 匈奴, desired by Emperor Wu 武, had actually been secured. The target of Han’s 漢 campaign was only Dayuan 大宛, and the Wusun 烏孫 behaved in a way which indicated all the more clearly what their behavior would have been if Han 漢 had attacked the Xiongnu 匈奴. It is probable that after the third or fourth year [108 or 107 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period, the Wusun 烏孫 were unwilling to alienate either party, Han 漢 or the Xiongnu 匈奴, or, even, Han 漢 or the stronger states in the Western Regions. Li Guangli’s 李 利 first attack upon Dayuan 大宛 failed, but Emperor Wu 武 was unwilling to disband the army that had been sent against Dayuan 大宛. One of the reasons, as is spelled out in this monograph, is that Dayuan 大宛 was a small state, and “if Han 漢 was unable to reduce it”, “Wusun 烏孫 and Luntou 侖頭 would easily harass Han 漢 envoys”.

[240] Li Guangli’s 李 利 victory over Dayuan 大宛 led to the submission of the various states in the Western Regions to Han 漢.

[241] The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) records Emperor Wu’s 武 edict: “For a long time the Xiongnu 匈奴 have constituted a danger [to us]; removed as they are north of the desert, they have entered into plots with their neighboring states, seeking together to intercept the missions from the Da Yuezhi 大月氏. They impeded and killed Jiang 江, the Leader of the Court Gentlemen, and Rang 攘, formerly Administrator of Yanmen 雁門. Weixu 危須 and [the states to the] west as far as Dayuan 大宛 made a compact, killing Che Ling 車令, the Gate Guardsman, Chao 朝, the Leader of the Court Gentlemen, as well as the envoys of the state of Shendu 身毒, and severing the route that leads from east to west. [Li] Guangli [李] 利, General Ershi 貳師, leading the punitive expedition against the criminals, fought and conquered Dayuan 大宛. With the aid of Heaven’s spiritual powers, he made his way through the mountain which is the source of the [Yellow] River, crossed the wastes of the shifting sands, and reached the Western Sea. The mountain snows were not piled high, and our officers and men made their way through directly. They took the heads of kings; the precious and strange objects are all arranged in the palace. Let [Li] Guangli [李] 利 be granted the title Marquis Haixi 海西, with a feoff of 8,000 households”. “The Mountain which is the source of the [Yellow] River” refers to the Kunlun 崑崙 Mountains. “He made his way through the mountain which is the source of the [Yellow] River, and he crossed the wastes of the shifting sands”: this statement may indicate the Southern and Northern Routes he had taken in his expedition against Dayuan 大宛.

[242] The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) states that Li Guangli 李 利 was granted “a feoff of 8,000 households”. According to Shiji zhengyi 史記正義 (ch. 49), “Emperor Wu 武 of Han 漢 sent Li Guangli 李 利 on an expedition against Dayuan 大宛 and, since the state was close to the Western Sea, invested him with the title Marquis Haixi 海西”. From this, we can see the derivation of “Haixi 海西”, the name. Other scholars believe that “Haixi 海西” was the name of a county, whose site is located in present-day Tancheng 郯城, Shandong 山東 Province.

[243] According to the “Jing, Wu, Zhao, Xuan, Yuan, Cheng gongchen biao 景武昭宣元成功臣表” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 17), the feoff of Marquis Xinshi 新畤 was in the area of Qi 齊.

[244] “The Army Controller Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 was honored by being created a Grand Master for Splendid Happiness; Shangguan Jie 上官桀 was appointed Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury; and, Li Chi 李哆 was appointed Administrator of Shangdang 上黨 [Prefecture]”: The “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) reads, “The Army Controller Zhao Shicheng 趙始成 has accomplished the most, so he shall become a Grand Master for Splendid Happiness; Shangguan Jie 上官桀 has dared to penetrate the enemy’s territory, so he shall become a Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury; Li Chi 李哆 is good at stratagems, so he shall become the Administrator of Shangdang 上黨 Prefecture”. The seat of the Shangdang 上黨 Prefecture’s government was located southwest of present-day Zhangzi 長子, Shanxi 山西.

[245] “Those who went on the campaign [to satisfy their own] enthusiasm ...” ( fenxing zhe guan guo qi wang, yi zheguo xingzhe jie chu qi lao 奮行者官過其望, 以適過行者皆絀其勞 ...): Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Hanshu yinyi 漢書音義, “fen 奮 means xun 迅 (with high speed). It refers to those who volunteered to join the expedition with enthusiasm”. It also quotes Xu Guang 徐 : “Those who volunteered with enthusiasm and those who went as reprobates both rendered meritorious service, but when rewards are distributed, for the reprobates, their previous offenses are taken into consideration, and their rewards are decreased. That is why the degree of their service is lowered. Chu 絀 means to lower or to curb. This is because they went as reprobates. Their service is not evaluated as highly, and the degree of their merit lowered; they should not receive the same rewards as those who volunteered with enthusiasm”.

[246] From the first year [104 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period to the fourth year.

After the conquest of [Da]yuan [大]宛 by Han 漢, Meicai 昧蔡 was established as king of [Da]yuan [大]宛. Over a year later the noblemen of [Da]yuan [大]宛 were taking the view that Meicai 昧蔡 had brought about the destruction of their state by his ingratiating behavior; and together they killed Meicai 昧蔡 and established Chanfeng 蟬封, younger brother of Wugua 毋寡, as king. They sent his son to attend at the Han 漢 court as a hostage, and Han 漢 took the occasion to send out envoys with gifts so as to pacify [the area].

In addition, Han 漢 sent out missions numbered in tens to proceed to the various outer states west of [Da]yuan [大]宛 to seek rare goods; ^[247] and they were also to take the opportunity to admonish [the states] and impress them with the prestige [shown by Han 漢] in conquering [Da]yuan [大]宛. A Commandant of Jiuquan 酒泉 ^[248] was established at Dunhuang 敦煌. Post-stations were thereupon erected at frequent intervals in a series running westward from there to the Salt Water, ^[249] and a complement of several hundred agricultural conscripts was stationed at Luntou 侖頭. ^[250] [A Colonel for the Assistance of Imperial] Envoys ^[251] was established to guard the cultivated land and to store the crops of grain for the Han 漢 envoys who were proceeding to the outer states. ^[252]

[247] “To seek rare goods” was one of the important reasons for Han’s 漢 management of the Western Regions, namely, “with [the help of] a series of interpreters, those whose customs were exotic could be brought to court”. “To seek rare goods” was in order to make an exhibition of peace and the visitors of the barbarians from all directions, and to have everyone know Han’s 漢 abundance and power.

[248] “A Commandant of Jiuquan 酒泉 was established at Dunhuang 敦煌”: Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Xu Guang 徐 : “Another version reads, ‘a commandant was established’. It is also pointed out that there is a county named Yuanquan 淵泉 in Dunhuang 敦煌 [Prefecture], and that jiu 酒 should be read as yuan 淵”. This interpretation seems plausible.

[249] “Post-stations were thereupon erected at frequent intervals in a series running westward from there to Salt Water”: One scholar has noted that on an ancient road of more than one hundred miles, from northwest of Yingpan 營盤, along the southern foot of the Kuruk Tagh and the northern bank of the Konche Darya, crossing northwest the desert as far as the northwest of Kuqa via Korla, an unbroken series of beacon towers have been discovered. In other words, if the Salt Water is understood as the Konche Darya and the Kuruk Darya, historical records and archaeological discoveries corroborate one another.

[250] “A complement of several hundred agricultural conscripts was stationed at Luntou 侖頭”: The “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A) reads “a complement of several hundred agricultural conscripts was stationed at both Luntai 輪臺 and Quli 渠犂”. “Luntou 侖頭” was “Luntai 輪臺”, which was to the west of Quli 渠犂. Butchered when Li Guangli 李 利 attacked Dayuan 大宛, it was no longer a state henceforth. As a result, it possibly became the area where the Western Han 漢 first set up an agricultural colony. The setting up of an agricultural colony at Quli 渠犂 possibly took place after the state paid tribute in the second year [99 BCE ] of the Tianhan 天漢 reign-period. This matter does not occur in Shiji 史記 because it was too late to be recorded by Sima Qian 司馬遷. This is probably the reason why there is a difference between Hanshu 漢書 and Shiji 史記 regarding this matter. Since Shiji 史記 records that “over a year later”, after Han’s 漢 expedition against Dayuan 大宛, “[A Colonel for the Assistance of Imperial] Envoys was established to guard the cultivated land and to store the crops of grain”, the agricultural colony at Luntou 侖頭 was probably set up in the fourth year [101 BCE ] of the Taichu 太初 reign-period or the first year [100 BCE ] of the Tianhan 天漢 reign-period. One of the reasons that Han 漢 attacked Dayuan 大宛 was to preserve “the route that leads from east to west” from blockage. So, after the event, Han 漢 established the post of Colonel for the Assistance of Imperial Envoys and set up an agricultural colony at Luntou 侖頭 to consolidate the victory. As a result, a line of government posts and defences stretched to Luntou 侖頭.

[251]For “Envoy”, the “Xiyu zhuan 西域傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 96A) reads “Colonel for the Assistance of Imperial Envoys”. Thus, the “Envoy” could be understood as the abbreviated form of “Colonel for the Assistance of Imperial Envoys”, which is forerunner of the later Protector-General of the Western Regions.

[252] This is the beginning of Han’s 漢 setting up of agricultural colonies in the Western Regions.

The Grand Historian remarks: In Yu benji 禹本紀 (Annals of Yu 禹) ^[253] it is written: “The [Yellow] River rises in Kunlun 崑崙; Kunlun 崑崙 is over 2,500 li 里 in height, and it is the place where the sun and the moon take turns to hide and to create the brilliant lights. Its summit contains the spring of sweet wine and the pool of jade”. After Zhang Qian’s 張騫 mission to Daxia 大夏, men penetrated to the source of the [Yellow] River; can it be that they gazed upon that which is called Kunlun 崑崙 mentioned in [ Yu ] benji 禹本紀? ^[254] Thus, in describing the rivers and hills of the Nine Provinces [of the Middle Kingdom], ^[255] Shangshu 尚書 (Book of Documents) approaches [reality]. ^[256] Regarding the information provided in Yu benji 禹本紀 and Shanhaijing 山海經 (Classic of the Mountains and Seas), ^[257] I do not dare comment”.

[253] “ Yu benji 禹本紀” (Annals of Yu 禹), like Benji 本紀 mentioned subsequently, has long been lost. The “Hainei xijing 海內西經” chapter of Shanhaijing 山海經 states: “The Kunlun 崑崙 Hill within the seas is in the northwest and is the earthly capital of the Supreme God. It is eight hundred li 里 in circumference and 10,000 ren 仞 high”. Guo Pu’s 郭璞 commentary: “[The figures] refer to the circumsference and height of the mountain’s foothill. Over 2,500 li 里 above are the Spring of Sweet Wine and the Pool of Jade. Mount Kunlun 崑崙 is located more than 2,500 li 里 from Mount Songgao 嵩高 [i.e., Mount Songshan 嵩山]. It is the center of the world [i.e., axis mundi ]. This is seen in Annals of Yu 禹 ( Yu benji 禹本紀)”. It seems that Guo Pu 郭璞 was fortunate enough to have read this book.

[254] Shiji jijie 史記集解 (ch. 123) quotes Deng Zhan 鄧展: “[People of] Han 漢 penetrated to the source of the [Yellow] River, but from what can it be concluded that the source is [Hill] Kunlun 崑崙? Shangshu 尚書 (Book of Documents) states: ‘[Yu 禹] surveyed the Yellow River from [Mount] Jishi 積石’, which is located in Heguan 河關 County of Jincheng 金城 Prefecture; it does not say that the source is [Hill] Kunlun 崑崙”. Shiji suoyin 史記索隱 (ch. 123) states: “[Sima Qian 司馬遷] records that Zhang Qian 張騫 penetrated to the source of the Yellow River, reaching Daxia 大夏 and Yutian 于 . From what did Sima Qian 司馬遷 conclude that [Hill] Kunlun 崑崙 is the source of the Yellow River? He already thought that Yu benji 禹本紀 and Shanhaijing 山海經 are groundless”. In my opinion, Sima Qian 司馬遷 did not doubt that Mount Kunlun 崑崙 is the source of the Yellow River; he only thought that the descriptions of [Hill] Kunlun 崑崙 in Yu benji 禹本紀 do not conform to reality”.

[255] “The Nine Provinces of the Middle Kingdom”: They are Ji 冀, Yan 兖, Qing 青, Xu 徐, Yang 揚, Jing 荊, Yu 豫, Liang 梁, Yong 雍; for details, see the “Yugong 禹貢” chapter of Shangshu 尚書.

[256] “ Shangshu 尚書” here refers to the “Yugong 禹貢” chapter of Shangshu 尚書.

[257] “ Shanhaijing 山海經”: A book of ancient geography characterized by imaginative accounts and descriptions of fantastic creatures.

NOTES

[1] See Takigawa Shigen (kōshō) 瀧川資言 (考證) and Mizusawa Toshitadakō (kōho) 水澤利忠 (校補), Shiki kaichū kōshō (Fu kōho) 史記會注考證 (附校補) [See Shiji huizhu kaozheng fu jiaobu , p. 1975].

[2] For “passed through [the territory of] the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏”, the “Wei Qing, Huo Qubing zhuan 衛青霍去病傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 55) reads, “reached [the territory of] the Xiao Yuezhi 小月氏”.

[3] Danava is an alternative name of Jiamolübo 迦摩縷波 (Kāmarūpa), as recorded in Datang xiyuji 大唐西域記 (ch. 10). Cf. WenJ1990.

[4] For the passage, “[Changqiang 嘗羌, the king of Dian 滇, detained them] and sent more than ten parties to the west to find out the way to Shendu 身毒 for them for over a year, but all the roads to the west had been closed off by the Kunming 昆明 ( wei qiu dao xi shi yu bei. sui yu , jie bi Kunming 爲求道西十餘輩. 歲餘, 皆閉昆明”, the “Xi’nanyi zhuan 西南夷傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 95) reads, “sent men to find out the way to Shendu 身毒 for them. [The Han 漢 envoys waited] over four years, but all the roads had been closed off by the Kunming 昆明” ( wei qiu dao, sisui yu, jie bi Kunming 爲求道, 四歲餘, 皆閉昆明). In my opinion, si 四 (four) should be a corruption of xi 西 (west), and three characters, shi yu bei 十餘輩 (more than ten parties), are erroneously deleted.

[5] “The Xihou 翖侯 Bujiu 布就, who was his guardian [father] ...”: Yan’s 顏 commentary on the “Zhang Qian, Li Guangli zhuan 張騫李 利傳” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 61) quotes Fu Qian 服虔, “Guardian father is the same as guardian mother”. It also quotes Li Qi 李奇: “Bujiu 布就 is a courtesy name. Xihou 翖侯 is an official title in Wusun 烏孫. He is Kunmo ’s 昆莫 guardian father”. Yan’s 顏 commentary reads, “ Xihou 翖侯 is the title of Wusun’s 烏孫 high-ranking officials, and there is more than one, like Han 漢 generals. Bujiu 布就 is an alternative name among the Xihou 翖侯, like General of the Left or General of the Right. It is not the courtesy name of the person. Xi 翖 is the same as xi 翕”.

[6] According to the “Baiguan gongqing biao 百官公卿表 B” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 19B), “[In the second year of the Yuanding 元鼎 reign-period,] Zhang Qian 張騫, the Leader of the Court Gentlemen was made Director of the Messenger Office. He died in the third year”.

[7] According to the “Wudi ji 武帝紀” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 6), in the second year [109 BCE ] of the Yuanfeng 元封 reign-period, the Emperor “sent the General Guo Chang 郭昌 and the Leader of the Court Gentlemen Wei Guang 衛 to command the troops from Ba 巴 and Shu 蜀 to subdue the Southwestern Yi 夷 who had not yet submitted, and established Yizhou 益州 Prefecture in the area”.

[8] Hanshu xiyuzhuan buzhu (vol. A): “At that time, only Dayuan 大宛 did not have any contacts with Han 漢, whereas Wusun 烏孫 had established peaceful and friendly relationship with Han 漢 through a matrimonial alliance. It is, therefore, not proper to say that he ‘stage[d] a display of his military power so as to shock’ it. Hanshu 漢書 is more accurate than Shiji 史記”. In my opinion, Xu’s 徐 theory is inadequate. Wusun 烏孫 had not yet established peaceful and friendly relationship with Han 漢 at that time, and the statement that “he took the opportunity to stage a display of military power so as to shock it” is also acceptable.

[9] Hanshu buzhu (ch. 61), quoting the theory of Wu Renjie 吳仁傑.

[10] Hanshu buzhu (ch. 61), quoting the theory of Wang Kaiyun 王闓運.

[11] For the date of Li Guangli’s 李 利 expedition against Dayuan 大宛, see YuTsh1992/2012, pp.70-95/111-148.

[12] See Dushu zazhi (4: 11), p. 327.

[13] See Shiji huizhu kaozheng fu jiaobu , pp. 1983-1984.

[14] According to the “Dili zhi 地理志 B” of Hanshu 漢書 (ch. 28B), Juyan 居延 and Xiutu 休屠 belonged to Zhangye 張掖 and Wuwei 武威, respectively; both were administered by the Commandants. “To protect Jiuquan 酒泉” means to protect against the Xiongnu 匈奴. Wuwei 武威 was one of the four prefectures of the Hexi 河西 region, founded in the third year [67 BCE ] of the Dijie 地節 reign-period of Emperor Xuan 宣; its seat of government was located in what is today Wuwei 武威. nwR7meIl0djMtPcZ7hnguv2Dd4G1Fu71yx01EsHpt8vSFhQ+PGJ8ORzJX/gaehp5