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结语

在十九世纪初年,天主教传教士在华医学活动显得低沉停滞,基督教的传教医生也尚未能大举来华之际,英国东印度公司在中国却有积极而重要的医学活动。东印度公司的董事会在意的只是商业利益,对于传播西方医学来华并没有太大兴趣或主动作为,因此在广州商馆热切期盼送何鲁到伦敦手术,以便向华人展现英国进步的医学时,董事会的回应仅是有些勉强地“不反对”(have no object),他们对于皮尔逊和郭雷枢在本分以外的慈善工作也无动于衷,因此拒绝在退休年金上给予适当的回报。尽管如此,不能否认的是董事会在十九世纪初年决定禁止广州商馆医生兼营商业,不但让商馆医生从此专心于本业,更是促成他们进一步积极引介西医来华的一项关键因素。

相对于董事会的消极被动,公司派在印度与中国等地的各级人员,虽说不到热衷的程度,至少是具有相当积极的意愿进行其事。从印度大总督以下致力于传播牛痘来华,而且还一再地尝试;在广州商馆方面,历任大班无一例外地总是赞助商馆医生的行动,或者为他们的行事与福利向董事会美言争取;至于十九世纪初年的商馆医生,皮尔逊和郭雷枢两人固然热忱地以自己的专业免费施用于华人,即使是本文较少着墨的李文斯顿,同样在业余时间关怀华人,参与皮尔逊的推广牛痘接种,有时一星期接种多达五百名华人。 [59] 不过,李文斯顿下了较多功夫在调查中国的医药疾病和自然博物,并撰文多篇向西方报导介绍 [60] ,他在中西文化交流中从事的是另一个面向的工作。

东印度公司人员引介西医来华的积极态度与慈善作为,显示一般人对他们唯利是图的刻板印象并不完全妥当。不过,如果将他们的引介西医,解读为完全出于对华人的慈善之心,则不免是一厢情愿与过甚其词。他们的善意无可怀疑,但他们同时也是基于英国和东印度公司的国家与商业双重利益,期望借着展现西方近代医学的进步与成就,让中国人改变对他们的印象,从而改善双方的关系,得以比较顺利地进行商业活动。如前文所述,印度大总督韦尔斯利相信,引介牛痘入华对于东印度公司和英国都有重要的正面利益;而广州商馆决定送何鲁到伦敦手术时,考虑的重点也是此举有助于提升东印度公司在中国的形象;至于郭雷枢则说得更为清楚,他免费为华人治病,既是为了行善而行善,也有感于此举可以提高他自己和东印度公司在华人中的声誉。

在引介牛痘接种、筹设船员医院,及治疗疾病等三项医学活动中,牛痘接种和治疗疾病都以中国人为对象,而中国人也很快地接受与合作,并在一定程度上获得政府官员的同意或默许。至于不以华人为对象的船员医院,虽先后经商馆大班、商务监督与英商积极进行筹设,却难以获得中国政府的认同。这种情况显示,医学的国际传播绝不只是医学专业的问题而已,牵涉所及的还有传与受双方的政治、社会、商业,甚至心理等许多因素的彼此交互作用。到了基督教传教士接替东印度公司医生成为在华传播西医的重要动力时,又加上了宗教的因素。


[1] K. Chimin Wong and Wu Lien-Teh, History of Chinese Medicine. Shanghai:National Quarantine Service,1936,2nd edition. New York:AMS Press,1973,reprint.

[2] 近年的相关论著如:张嘉凤,《十九世纪初牛痘的在地化——以〈英吉利国新出种痘奇书〉、〈西洋种痘论〉与〈引痘略〉为讨论中心》,《“中央研究院”历史语言研究所集刊》78:4(2007.12),页755—812;董少新,《牛痘入华:一项由多国多人共同完成的技术交流》,《文化杂志》65(2007冬),页67—78;Angela Ki Che Leung,‘The Business of Vaccination in Nineteenth-Century Canton.’ Late Imperial China ,29:1 (June 2008),pp. 7—39。

[3] Hosea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635 1834 . Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1926.

[4] Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine ,p. 302.

[5] Malcolm C. C. Seton, The India Office (London:G. P. Putnam’s Sons,1926),p. 213.

[6] EIC/G/12/290,‘Terms and Conditions for Hiring,for One Voyage to and from China,Ships of the Burthen of 950 Tons and upwards built for the Company’s Service [...]. ’no. 13.Charles Hardy, A Register of Ships Employed in the Service of the Honorable the United East India Company,from the Year 1760 to 1810 (London:Black,Parry and Kingsbury,1811),Appendix,p. 118,‘Regulations,Respecting the Qualifications of Surgeons and Surgeon’s Mates.’

[7] 商馆医生有时称为首席医生(first surgeon),助理医生有时称为第二医生(second surgeon)。在一份《1801年东印度新手册》〔Robert Hudson, The New East India Calendar for 1801 (London:Printed for J. Deerett,1801)〕的广州商馆名录中,医生栏内有J. Campbell,但笔者在商馆档案及相关名录中,均未能找到其人资料,暂不计入。

[8] Warren R. Dawson,ed., The Banks Letters (London:The British Museum,1958),pp. 280—283.

[9] EIC/G/12/66,p. 16,‘9 October 1779.’在此后数年的商馆档案中,还有大量的雷斯利和华商之间金钱纠纷的文件。关于这些金钱纠纷的简要描述,参见Paul A. Van Dyke, The Canton Trade:Life and Enterprise on the China Coast,1700 1845 (Hong Kong:Hong Kong University Press,2005),pp. 97—98.

[10] Charles Mackinnon, Mr. Mackinnon s Memorial to the Honorable Court of Directors of the Hon. East-India Company (London:Printed by Lewis and Roden,no date),p. 11.

[11] 关于麦金农发生的纠纷与冲突,在EIC/G/12/147和148两部分有连篇累牍的记载与函件;他调回英国后也印行过一部为自己辩护的书 Mr. Mackinnon s Memorial to the Honorable Court of Directors of the Hon. East-India Company ,多达176页。

[12] 最明显的是邓肯兄弟两人,他们经常为班克斯搜集中国植物花卉运往伦敦,却也先后请班克斯向公司董事会关说,提高他们的薪水并任用为商馆医生,结果也都如愿。参见W. R. Dawson,ed., The Banks Letters, pp. 282—284.

[13] O. P. Jaggi, Medicine in India:Modern Period (Oxford:Oxford University Press,2000),pp. 144—146.

[14] 葛兰特未提书名,应该就是 An Account of the Introduction of the Cow Pox into India (Bombay:Moraba Damotherjee,1803),有110页篇幅。

[15] 关于巴米斯,参见Thomas B. Colvin,‘Arms Around the World:The Introduction of Smallpox Vaccine into the Philippines and Macao in 1805.’in Review of Culture ,no. 18 (2006),pp. 71—88;Isabel Morais,‘Smallpox Vaccinations and the Portuguese in Macao.’ibid.,pp. 113—124.

[16] EIC/G/12/150,pp. 75—76,‘8 August 1805;’ The Canton Register ,12 July 1828,p. 107,‘Vaccination in China.’

[17] Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635 1834 ,vol. 3,p. 17. 笔者未能在商馆档案中查得马士此说的出处。

[18] Alexander Pearson,‘Report Submitted to the Board of the National Vaccine Establishment,Respecting the Introduction of the Practice of Vaccine Inoculation into China,A. D. 1805:Its Progress since that period,and its actual state,dated Canton,February 18th 1816.’ The Chinese Repository ,2:1 (May 1833),pp. 36—39.

[19] Pearson,‘Report Submitted to the Board of the National Vaccine Establishment.’pp. 40—41. The Canton Register ,12 July 1828,p. 107,‘Vaccination in China.’关于邱熺及其他向皮尔逊学习种痘的华人,参见张嘉凤《十九世纪初牛痘的在地化——以〈英吉利国新出种痘奇书〉、〈西洋种痘论〉与〈引痘略〉为讨论中心》与董少新《牛痘入华:一项由多国多人共同完成的技术交流》两文的详细内容。

[20] Hardy, A Register of Ships Employed in the Service of the Honorable the United East India Company ,pp. 168,186,200,215.

[21] Eliza A. Morrison, Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison (London:Longman,1839),vol. 1,pp. 206—207. LMS/CH/SC,1.1.B.,Robert Morrison to Joseph Hardcastle,Canton,29 May 1808.

[22] Morrison, Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison ,vol. 1,pp. 212,226. LMS/CH/SC,1.1.B.,R. Morrison to J. Hardcastle,Canton,29 May & 31 August 1808.

[23] The Canton Register ,10 January 1833,pp. 1—2. Chinese Courier ,12 January 1833,pp. 1—2.

[24] The Gentleman s Magazine ,February 1837,p. 218. The Canton Register ,30 May 1837,p. 92.

[25] Robert Morrison, A Parting Memorial (London:W. Simpkin and R. Marshall,1826),pp. 367—371,‘Proposal for Bettering the Morals and Condition of Sailors in China.’

[26] 第一次是1822年9月22日(R. Morrison, A Parting Memorial ,pp. 372—378,‘Tract,Addressed to Sailors.’),另一次是1833年12月2日( Admonitions,Addressed to a Mixed Congregation from Various Nations Being a Sermon Preached on Board the American Ship Morrison;at Whampoa,in China,December 2,1833. Macao:Albion Press,1833.)。

[27] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution,during the years 1827,28,29,30,31 and 1832,at Macao (Canton:1834),p. 53,‘Letter to Lord Napier.’ The Canton Register ,3:8 (December 1834),p. 373,‘Hospitals for Seamen:A Plan for a Floating Hospital at Whampoa.’

[28] The Canton Register ,3:8 (December 1834),p. 376,‘Hospitals for Seamen.’

[29] The Canton Register ,3:8 (December 1834),p. 375.

[30] Ibid.,17 February 1835,pp. 19—20; The Chinese Repository ,3:8 (December 1834),pp. 472—478,‘British Authorities in China.’这项法案的全文,参见 Reports from Committees,Session 19 February 10 September 1835 ,vol. 6 (1835),pp. 132—137,‘Report from the Select Committee on Consular Establishment,Appendix 8,An Act to Regulate the Payment of Salaries to British Consuls at Foreign Ports and the Disbursements at Such Ports for Certain Public Purposes.’

[31] The Canton Register ,17 February 1835,p. 19.

[32] The Canton Register ,17 February 1835,16 June 1835,p. 93;23 June 1835,p. 98;27 September 1836,pp. 160—162,‘British Seaman’s Hospital Society:First Report of the Committee of the Seaman’s Hospital in China.’ The Chinese Repository ,5:6 (October 1836),pp. 274—278,‘Hospital for Seamen:First Report of the British Seaman’s Hospital Society in China;with the General Rules of the Institution.’其中捐款名单只见于 The Canton Register

[33] The Canton Register ,27 September 1836,p. 161. The Chinese Repository ,5:6 (October 1836),p. 275.

[34] The Chinese Repository ,6:8 (December 1837),p. 400,‘Hospital Ship at Whampoa;’7:9 (January 1839),pp. 480—484,‘The British Seamen’s Hospital in China.’

[35] The Canton Register ,29 November 1836,pp. 95,98.

[36] 同上注,页133—134。中英双方关于“希望号”(中方则依Baker’s音译为“北架船”或“北驾船”)的往返交涉经过,中文文献参见同上注,页105—106,111—112,114—115,129—135,143—146. 英文文献参见 The Canton Register ,2 January 1838,pp. 3—4,‘British Hospital Ship at Whampoa;’‘Letter from the Hong Merchants.’ The Chinese Repository ,6:8 (December 1837),p. 400,‘Hospital Ship at Whampoa;’7:1 (May 1838),p. 56,‘The Hospital Ship at Whampoa;’7:3 (July 1838),p. 151,‘The Approach of a British Admiral;’7:9 (January 1839),pp. 480—484,‘The British Seamen’s Hospital in China.’

[37] The Canton Press ,19 May 1838,p. 2,‘The British Sailor’s Hospital at Whampoa;’9 June 1838,p. 2,‘To the Editor of the Canton Press;’‘The Hospital Ship at Whampoa;’16 June 1838,p. 2,‘To the Editor of the Canton Press;’23 June 1838,p. 2.

[38] 佐佐木正哉编,《鸦片战争前中英交涉文书》,页135,145—146. The Canton Register ,10 April 1838,pp. 58—59,‘Hospital Ship;’17 April 1838,p. 64,‘Hospital Ship;’15 May 1838,p. 82.

[39] The Canton Register ,26 June 1838,p. 102,‘Whampoa Hospital Ship. The Canton Press ,7 July 1838,p. 2.

[40] 《中国丛报》的主编说,经常到这间诊所协助并写文章报导的是皮尔逊〔 The Chinese Repository, 10:1 (January 1841),p. 22〕。这种说法是错误的,却被后人再三引用至今。其实是李文斯顿才对〔 The Indo-Chinese Gleaner ,no. 15 (January 1821),pp. 5—8,John Livingstone,‘Treatment of Certain Diseases by Chinese Doctors.’〕,马礼逊自己也只提到李文斯顿的协助,而无皮尔逊(LMS/CH/SC,2.1.D.,R. Morrison to G. Burder,Canton,14 November 1820)。

[41] Frances Mary Martin, Thomas Richardson Colledge (Cheltenham:Looker-On Printing Co.,n.d.),p. 3.

[42] Rugby School Register,from 1675 to 1867 inclusive (London:Whittaker & Co.,1867),p. 62.

[43] William Warder Cadbury and Mary Hoxie Jones, At the Point of a Lancet:One Hundred Years of the Canton Hospital 1835 1935 (Shanghai:Kelly and Walsh,1935),p. 14.

[44] Nan P. Hodges and Arthur W. Hummel,eds., Lights and Shadows of a Macao Life:The Journal of Harriett Low,Travelling Spinster (Woodinville,WA:The History Bank,2002),pp. 488—489,‘6 January 1833.’罗哈蕊日记中类似的记载还有多处,例如:“他是个‘可人儿’(‘darling’),我见过的最好的英国人,他的心地真正的好,我相信没人会说他的坏话。(p. 298)”“他真是一个快活的人儿(‘a pleasant creature’),态度如此坦率,以至你无法不喜欢他。他是个彻头彻尾的英国人,多少带些贵族气派,喜欢老派作风。(p. 498)”

[45] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,pp. 11—12.

[46] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,pp. 39—51.

[47] EIC/G/12/244,p. 77—78,‘19 June 1830;’EIC/G/12/281,no page,‘27 December 1830:Letter to the Honorable Court of Directors,para. 4.’A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,p. 40.

[48] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,p. 46. 眼科医院于1833年结束,仍有一名巴斯人捐100银元,嘱咐郭雷枢做相关用途(ibid.,p. 50)。

[49] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,pp. 12—13.

[50] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,p. 16. EIC/G/12/281,no page,‘27 December 1830:Letter to the Honorable Court of Directors of the United East India Company,para. 4.’

[51] 纪伊医生撰写的这次手术经过,刊登在 The Lancet ,1830—1831:1,pp. 86—89,‘Removal of a tumour fifty-six pounds in weight,extending from beneath the umbilicus to the anterior border of the anus.’此文历经许多期刊转载或节录,例如 The London Medical and Physical Journal ,new series,no. 59 (May 1831),pp. 414—418; The Medico-Chirurgical Review ,no. 29 (April-July 1831),pp. 150—152; The Chinese Repository ,3:2 (May 1835),pp. 489—496,‘The Chinese Peasant Ho Loo.’

[52] EIC/G/12/259,pp. 1—3,‘1 May 1835;’EIC/G/12/262,p. 15,‘20 July 1838.’后来郭雷枢还是获得了退休金每年400英镑,见House of Commons Parliamentary Papers,1847 (654), Report from the Select Committee on Commercial Relations with China ,p. 441,Appendix No. 1,‘Consular Establishment in China;’ibid.,1849 (601), Salaries,Pensions,&c. Return to an address of the Honourable the House of Commons,dated 7 March 1849, p. 175,‘List of Persons receiving Salaries.’。郭雷枢申请退休金被拒多年后又能失而复得的原因,据他的讣闻及传文中提及,在他离华后,包含葡萄牙人的在华外国人集体为他陈情,希望英国政府崇功报德发给他退休年金,结果惊动首相巴麦尊(Lord Palmerston)出面而促成其事〔 Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh ,vol. 10 (November 1878 to July 1880),p. 339,‘Dr. Thomas Richardson Colledge.’ The Medical Times and Gazette ,15 November 1879,p. 568,‘Obituary.’ Dictionary of National Biography (London:Oxford University Press,1917),vol. 4,p. 787,‘Thomas Richardson Colledge.’〕。

[53] The Canton Register ,15 May 1838,p. 81.

[54] F. M. Martin, Thomas Richardson Colledge ,p. 7. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh ,vol. 10,p. 339,‘Dr. Thomas Richardson Colledge.’ The Medical Times and Gazette ,15 November 1879,p. 568,‘Obituary.’ China Medical Missionary Journal ,vol. 2,no. 2 (June 1888),pp. 40—46,J. C. Thomson,‘Thomas Richardson Colledge.’

[55] 郭雷枢究竟主持或只是参与广州诊所的成立,尚有待厘清。《中国丛报》于1833年10月报导广州诊所消息时,只说澳门眼科医院成立的翌年(1828),广州的医生们效法其例而成立广州诊所,并未提到这些医生的姓名与成立经过〔 The Chinese Repository ,2:6 (October 1833),pp. 276—277,‘Canton Dispensary’〕;而1834年龙斯泰(Andrew Ljungstedt)化名“慈善家”(A Philanthropist)撰写出版的《澳门眼科医院纪略》( A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution )一书,则说广州诊所是“郭雷枢在布莱福的协助下奠定基础”(p. 22);但布莱福传记的作者欧伯侯泽(Ellis P. Oberholtzer)却说,当时由一些在华美国商人支付薪水的布莱福,被选定来开办及主持这家类似澳门眼科医院的广州诊所,欧氏并进一步认为眼科医院由郭雷枢创立,而广州诊所的成功则完全归之布莱福,见E. P. Oberholtzer, Philadelphia:A History of the City and Its People (Philadelphia:S. J. Clarke Publishing Co.,1912),vol. 4,pp. 345—347,‘James H. Bradford.’。

[56] A Philanthropist, A Brief Account of an Ophthalmic Institution ,pp. 22—23.

[57] The Chinese Repository ,4:8 (December 1835),pp. 386—389,T. R. Colledge,‘Suggestions with regard to Employing Medical Practitioners as Missionaries to China.’

[58] The Chinese Repository ,7:1 (May 1838),pp. 32—44,‘Medical Missionary Society:Regulations and Resolutions,Adopted at a Public Meeting Held at Canton on the 21st of February,1838.’

[59] The New Monthly Magazine ,14:83 (1 December 1820),p. 677,‘Vaccination.’此文摘录李文斯顿于1820年3月25日从澳门写给英国国会议员休姆(Joseph Hume)信函的内容。

[60] 李文斯顿出版的相关文章,至少有以下七篇: The Indo-Chinese Gleaner ,no. 15 (January 1821),pp. 5—8,John Livingstone,‘Treatment of Certain Diseases by Chinese Doctors;’ Edinburgh Philosophical Journal ,vol. 1(1819),pp. 116—117,J. Livingstone,‘Account of an Improved Hygrometer;’vol. 5 (1821),pp. 132—137,‘Account of a Chinese Lusus Naturæ;’vol. 6(1822),pp. 156—161,J. Livingstone,‘Account of the Thermal Springs of Yom-Mack;’vol. 7(1822),pp. 216—218,J. Livingstone,‘Additional Observations on the Chinese Lusus Naturæ;’ The Philadelphia Journal of the Medical and Physical Sciences ,vol. 2 (1821),pp. 148—153,J. Livingstone,‘An Account of a Lusus Naturæ;’ Transactions of the Horticultural Society of London ,vol. 4 (1822),pp. 224—231,‘Account of the Method of Dwarfing Trees and Shrubs,as Practised by the Chinese.’ /xDeeGB9ckcKK09sEgwsCaG6Ds4bUmvv9K7x1pKspewWp2yJai+th/FFtgGoqvWx

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