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A census of the village was taken in 1935. Because no continuous registration of births and deaths has been properly carried out, I can take this census only as the basis for my analysis. In the census, all the residents in this village, including those temporarily absent, are recorded. The figures are summarized in the following table:
Those temporarily residing in the village but living in definite households are recorded in the census in a special class called "Persons living together"; these are not included in the above table. The total number in this class is 25.
The density of population (excluding surface of water in computation) is about 1,980 per square mile. This cannot be compared with the average density of the province. The latter is calculated from the general area of the province which includes the surface of water and uncultivated land; it is a gross density. My figure represents the actual ratio between men and land used. The gross density of the province (Kiangsu), as quoted by Professor Tawney, is 896 per square mile.
新的公共机构，例如学校和合作丝厂，只有在老的住宅区外围找到地盘。它们的位置说明了社区生活的变化过程。
1935年该村的人口有过一次普查。因为出生、死亡情况一直没有连续的登记，所以我只能把这次普查结果作为分析的基础。这次人口普查对村里的所有居民，包括暂时不在村里的人口，都做了记录。统计数字见下表：
对那些暂时寄居在村里农户家里的人口，普查记录专设了一栏。这些人口未包括在上表中。这一栏的总人数为25人。
人口密度（计算时不包括水面面积）约为每平方英里1,980人。这个数字不能与本省的平均人口密度相比，因为省人口密度是根据全省总面积（包括水面及非耕地）来计算的，那是一个总密度。我的数字代表着人和被使用的土地之间的比率。托尼教授所引述的江苏省的人口总密度是每平方英里896人。
Not all those who reside in the village are indiscriminately considered as villagers. If the inhabitants are asked which are the people who belong to the village, we shall discover that distinction is made locally between natives and outsiders. This is not a legal distinction; from the legal point of view those who reside in a district for more than three years become members of the local community.
But this does not constitute, in the people's eyes, real membership of the village.
To analyse this distinction, it may be better to take concrete cases of those who are considered as outsiders in the village. There are ten such households, and their professions and birth-places are as follows:
Their common characters are (1) that they are immigrants and (2) that they are engaged in special professions. But I have no information about the necessary period of residence in order to attain the status of being a native villager. I have, however, known cases of children of the "outsiders" born in the village being treated like their parents. It appears that the distinction is not made solely on the consideration of period of residence.
On the other hand, the fact that none of the outsiders are farmers is significant. Although not all special professions are filled by them, they constitute one-third of the whole group (VIII–2). It prevents them from quick assimilation.
The villagers as a group possess certain cultural peculiarities. One of my informants mentioned three outstanding items to me: (1) that the villagers tend to palatalize the words such as gon, jeu, etc. , in speech, (2) their women do not work on the farm, and (3) their women always wear skirts even in the hot summer. In these respects, they differ even from the people from the nearest town, Chên Tsê.
人们并不认为所有住在村里的人一律都是本村人。如果问本村居民，哪些人是本村的，我们就会发现当地对于本村人和外来人有着明显的区别。但这种区别并不是法律上的；从法律观点看，一个人只要在某地居住三年以上，他就成为当地社区的一名成员。
可是在人们的眼里，这样的人并不是真正的本村人。
为说明这种区别，不妨举一些具体的例子：那些被当作外来户的村里人。这样的外来户共有l0家，其职业和本籍分述如下：
他们的共同特点是：（1）都是移民，（2）从事某种特殊职业。我未听说一个外来人究竟需要在本村住多久才能算作本村人，但是我却听说过：外来人的孩子，虽生于本村，仍像其父母一样，被视作外来人。由此看来，并非完全根据居住期的长短来确定这种区别的。
另一方面，值得研究的是这样一个事实：凡是外来户都不是农民。虽然并非所有特殊的职业都是外来人干的，但他们仍构成了这类人的三分之一（第八章第二节），从事特殊职业使他们不会很快被同化。
作为一个群体，本村人具有一定的文化特色。一个提供资料的本地人向我提到过三个显著特点：（1）本村人说话时，吐字趋于腭音化，例如“讲”、“究”等等；（2）妇女不下田干活；（3）妇女总是穿裙子，甚至在炎热的夏天也穿着。在这几方面，本村人甚至与最近的震泽镇人都不相同。
Those who are regarded as outsiders have not been culturally assimilated. I noticed their non-native accent in speech and non-native way of dressing; for instance, the women in the medicine shop did not wear skirts.
As long as the outsiders preserve their own linguistic and cultural difference, and those are noticed by the natives, they will live on more or less symbiotically in the community. The distinction of natives and out-siders is significant because it has been translated into social relations. The fact that outsiders are all engaged in special professions and possess no land is alone sufficient to indicate that the distinction has far-reaching economic consequences.
The village as described is of interest in the following respects.
(1) It has been one of the important centres of domestic silk industry in China. The village can therefore be taken as a representative case of the process of change in Chinese industry; the change has been chiefly concerned with the substitution of the factory for the domestic system and the social problems rising therefrom. This is a general process, still going on in China, and also has parallels in different parts of the world. The problem of industrial development in China has its practical significance, but has never been studied intensively with a full knowledge of the social organization of the village. Moreover, in this village an experiment at industrial reform has been made during the past ten years. The social reform activities are of great relevance to the social changes in China; they should be carefully analysed in an objective way. It is possible that through such an analysis certain important but hitherto unnoticed problems may be revealed.
(2) Kaihsienkung is located in an area where, owing to superb natural resources, agriculture has been developed to a very high degree. The institution of land tenure also has here peculiar elaborations. The village would provide a good field for the study of land problems in China.
那些被视为外来户的人，在生活上一直未被同化。我注意到他们的非本地口音及非本地穿着方式，例如，药店里的妇女不穿裙子。
只要外来户保留着他们自己的语言和文化差别，而且本村人注意到这些差别，那么，在这个社区内，外来户总是过着多少有所见外的生活。对本村人及外来户作出区别是颇有意义的，因为这种区别已经具有广泛的社会意义。外来户全部从事特殊职业，没有土地，仅这一事实就足以说明，区别是有其深远的经济后果的。